She settled in Amsterdam-Zuid as a costumier.[1] Henny was the first from the family of Aaron van Pels and Lina Vorsänger to move to Amsterdam. However, her cousin Bertel Hess had preceded her in 1933.[2] Eventually all her brothers and sisters would leave their home town of Osnabrück, just like their father. They all wanted to move on to North or South America, but only a few would succeed.
\r\n\r\nZij vestigde zich in Amsterdam-Zuid als costumière.[1] Henny was de eerste uit het gezin van Aäron van Pels en Lina Vorsänger die naar Amsterdam trok. Wel was hun nicht Bertel Hess haar al in 1933 voorgegaan.[2] Op termijn zouden al haar broers en zussen, net als hun vader, hun thuisstad Osnabrück verlaten. Allen wilden ook verder naar Noord- of Zuid-Amerika, maar dat zou slechts enkelen lukken.
\r\n\r\nShe settled in Amsterdam-Zuid as a costumier.[1] Henny was the first from the family of Aaron van Pels and Lina Vorsänger to move to Amsterdam. However, her cousin Bertel Hess had preceded her in 1933.[2] Eventually all her brothers and sisters would leave their home town of Osnabrück, just like their father. They all wanted to move on to North or South America, but only a few would succeed.
\r\n\r\nFor a long time, Aäron van Pels felt safe in Germany because he was a Dutch citizen. In September 1938, however, National Socialist measures also affected his business,[1] and he left for Amsterdam a few months later to live with his daughter Henny. An attempt to get visas for Brazil, where he wanted to join his daughter Meta, came to nothing. He died in Amsterdam at the end of 1941.
\r\n\r\nAäron van Pels voelde zich lang veilig in Duitsland omdat hij Nederlands staatsburger was. In september 1938 troffen nationaal-socialistische maatregelen echter ook zijn zaak.[1] Hij vertrok enkele maanden later naar Amsterdam om bij zijn dochter Henny te gaan wonen. Een poging om visa voor Brazilië te krijgen, waar hij zich bij zijn dochter Meta wilde voegen, liep op niets uit. Hij overleed eind 1941 in Amsterdam.
\r\n\r\nFor a long time, Aäron van Pels felt safe in Germany because he was a Dutch citizen. In September 1938, however, National Socialist measures also affected his business,[1] and he left for Amsterdam a few months later to live with his daughter Henny. An attempt to get visas for Brazil, where he wanted to join his daughter Meta, came to nothing. He died in Amsterdam at the end of 1941.
\r\n\r\nShortly after the November pogroms, she came to the Netherlands and lived in Bloemendaal for almost a year. She then lived briefly with her sister Henny in Amsterdam before leaving for Chile.[1]
\r\n\r\nKort na de Novemberpogroms kwam zij naar Nederland en woonde bijna een jaar in Bloemendaal. Vervolgens woonde ze kort bij haar zus Henny in Amsterdam alvorens naar Chili te vertrekken.[1]
\r\n\r\nShortly after the November pogroms, she came to the Netherlands and lived in Bloemendaal for almost a year. She then lived briefly with her sister Henny in Amsterdam before leaving for Chile.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","same_as":null,"parent":396124413,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bbed7414-1fa4-4417-bca3-a5ee40c96d09","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c05767e4-ac67-4d2e-a8f1-fdcfc93c3cdc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f4d47668-4071-4530-95f0-5c463fddbc60","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b654804b-25a1-4c46-affd-0de941f99790","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05463aca-21a7-4238-8686-0a4a606e10f5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8eb86b87-b516-415d-a0de-410bb88a0ab6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5f77d005-c71e-437e-8877-2ec3088e2031","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/03c56548-11fe-4e75-9a79-f1585bd2372a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b4236d95-43dd-42e6-93d5-c44eaba41b23","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1194af60-b60a-49ae-8762-cf8567fd21fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36022488-7682-43ff-918c-a2b970789006","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c730f47b-7508-4ea2-978e-331073f46ee4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4a5dbef2-cafa-46af-acfe-3470825a92a7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/838a9a83-171f-44ec-8a97-0024ebf8b5b6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36a662f9-f828-44ad-9609-bd8901c723f4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/07627e87-1438-47e2-a29c-847e27ce51c8","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa3cb90f-e2cc-4611-b0cb-316c6202e75b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/92a283be-fc1d-4610-8241-6f9e604e4ce0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4837c7f7-8098-4daf-8fb4-3408adb041fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/59a5ed20-0f01-42b5-a1da-785936de9c47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84d67272-953d-4e09-8014-20cd8a55bd15","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c65659a4-793a-47f1-a7c5-ee2f49ee46b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/cc6c2172-d1f5-49c4-86b0-c31aa8bd02ea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/903ba158-f1e0-4d0f-b613-eae91df2893e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bd069b91-d876-4eb7-99e7-e62aa158eae4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/995b7432-6739-42b0-9434-5c3801327d6a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b6bed785-6178-42d2-9f90-a90e7730c21e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c9289eb-d4f6-46b8-afe7-5c15df9164c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f3ea591a-9ec2-49fa-aede-0308f0c1ea5e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aab06445-fe04-4578-9fba-19e679b65d6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8f078d07-0749-4824-9317-cca40a1f8c17","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/49fb0306-d233-4742-8133-c98fdba59175","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c6d71313-a017-4e4e-b05c-f56259c2bf72","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/592362c0-d64f-42be-8319-f7e3973610d3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6a58ce7e-02e2-4517-85ce-5b03eb20b753","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0bfa905d-38bd-4422-85ed-a4f2ecc7b506","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7e61c0df-f509-437a-8f9f-5d70bdd92934","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b7c73757-981c-409e-95cc-cc8eab873a93","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/150fa41e-02ba-4cae-9f32-62460252007f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/043a50b5-46ac-4222-8001-6ad28d51a1e2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/da7429b4-b23f-4947-b6d8-e5e6c0f143c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6660d32e-d2b0-468d-b7e7-01ceefc4376d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05693431-6b99-47b4-8e47-59ab3e95a889","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04f5ebdc-fe09-4ce6-991b-cf851a81c198","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a423c2ce-aac1-4ff6-86b1-f5233e4b77ff","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0ccf3db9-1774-4848-ad11-627e3fc64cea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bd22a6-e3e0-45e6-9bef-449b9894f0db","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db15398a-d845-4147-9ceb-1530e7e9a4e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b5ad5b8d-2494-42ad-bf1f-d2a1f9250bb2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2c4e9ad5-bb38-4440-ae2f-7b3fc3fba34a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db594671-5a23-4c77-94e5-719f47bf03e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e8477cf1-0664-404d-a851-fe6a97e01e47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ff53ce1-d866-4190-a138-16c32a9eca43"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/7d0da592-ac93-4786-b1c3-932a0fd9dcf5/","published":true,"name":"Home of Henny van Pels","name_nl":"Woonhuis Henny van Pels","name_en":"Home of Henny van Pels","uuid":"7d0da592-ac93-4786-b1c3-932a0fd9dcf5","content":"\r\n\r\n
\r\n\r\n
\r\n\r\n
She settled in Amsterdam-Zuid as a costumier.[1] Henny was the first from the family of Aaron van Pels and Lina Vorsänger to move to Amsterdam. However, her cousin Bertel Hess had preceded her in 1933.[2] Eventually all her brothers and sisters would leave their home town of Osnabrück, just like their father. They all wanted to move on to North or South America, but only a few would succeed.
\r\n\r\nZij vestigde zich in Amsterdam-Zuid als costumière.[1] Henny was de eerste uit het gezin van Aäron van Pels en Lina Vorsänger die naar Amsterdam trok. Wel was hun nicht Bertel Hess haar al in 1933 voorgegaan.[2] Op termijn zouden al haar broers en zussen, net als hun vader, hun thuisstad Osnabrück verlaten. Allen wilden ook verder naar Noord- of Zuid-Amerika, maar dat zou slechts enkelen lukken.
\r\n\r\nShe settled in Amsterdam-Zuid as a costumier.[1] Henny was the first from the family of Aaron van Pels and Lina Vorsänger to move to Amsterdam. However, her cousin Bertel Hess had preceded her in 1933.[2] Eventually all her brothers and sisters would leave their home town of Osnabrück, just like their father. They all wanted to move on to North or South America, but only a few would succeed.
\r\n\r\nIn May 1918 he had been assigned to the 18th Infantry Regiment stationed in Naarden.[1] After having twice requested and received deferment of his military service duties, but not reporting on the new deadline of 1 October 1920, the army leadership branded him as a deserter on 29 October 1920.[2]
\r\n\r\nHij was in mei 1918 ingedeeld bij het in Naarden gelegerde 18e Regiment Infanterie.[1] Nadat hij twee keer uitstel van zijn opkomstplicht had gevraagd en gekregen, maar niet verscheen op de nieuwe opkomstdatum van 1 oktober 1920, gaf de legerleiding hem op 29 oktober 1920 de status van deserteur.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn May 1918 he had been assigned to the 18th Infantry Regiment stationed in Naarden.[1] After having twice requested and received deferment of his military service duties, but not reporting on the new deadline of 1 October 1920, the army leadership branded him as a deserter on 29 October 1920.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nHij was in 1920 aangemerkt als deserteur, maar had in 1937 alsnog vrijstelling gekregen en werd in 1938 uit militaire dienst ontslagen.[1] Maar toen Van Pels zich op 6 januari 1939 op het bureau van de Vreemdelingendienst meldde, bleek zijn signalering als deserteur nog altijd in het Algemeen Politieblad te staan. Hij werd door de Centrale Recherche ongeveer drie kwartier vastgehouden totdat het misverstand was opgehelderd.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nWorld War II took the lives of approximately 110,000 Amsterdam residents. Of the sizeable Jewish community, the majority, about 75,000 Jews, did not survive the German occupation. Anne Frank went into hiding in the city and wrote her world-famous diary there. The Hunger Winter also took a heavy toll on the city, as it did throughout the Western Netherlands.
","description_nl":"De Tweede Wereldoorlog kostte aan ongeveer 110.000 Amsterdammers het leven. Van de omvangrijke Joodse gemeenschap overleefde het merendeel, ongeveer 75.000 Joden, de Duitse bezetting niet. Anne Frank dook in de stad onder en schreef er haar wereldberoemde dagboek. Ook de Hongerwinter eiste, zoals in heel West-Nederland, een hoge tol in de stad.
","description_en":"World War II took the lives of approximately 110,000 Amsterdam residents. Of the sizeable Jewish community, the majority, about 75,000 Jews, did not survive the German occupation. Anne Frank went into hiding in the city and wrote her world-famous diary there. The Hunger Winter also took a heavy toll on the city, as it did throughout the Western Netherlands.
","summary":"Amsterdam is the capital of the Netherlands.","summary_nl":"Amsterdam is de hoofdstad van Nederland.","summary_en":"Amsterdam is the capital of the Netherlands.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/locations/9577"],"parent":396124554,"files":[]},{"id":396124408,"image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/onderwerpen/5ea902c2-a419-4311-bd4b-7b1519c94f23/","published":true,"uuid":"5ea902c2-a419-4311-bd4b-7b1519c94f23","name":"Emigration in the early 1930s","name_nl":"Emigratie begin jaren dertig","name_en":"Emigration in the early 1930s","description":"On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler became Reich Chancellor of Germany. This gave him the opportunity to implement his ideas from Mein Kampf. After the Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933, he suspended key civil rights. Anti-Semitic ordinances were also passed making it impossible for Jews to practice the most important professions by requiring a so-called 'Aryan' certificate. In response to these measures and the boycott on 1 April 1933 of Jewish shopkeepers, doctors and lawyers, many Jews left Germany. They initially sought safe haven in surrounding countries, including the Netherlands.[1] In the first days of April 1933 alone, hundreds fled to the Netherlands, including Otto Frank. In the months that followed, he was followed by his wife and both daughters.[2]
\r\n\r\nOp 30 januari 1933 werd Adolf Hitler Rijkskanselier van Duitsland. Zo kreeg hij de kans zijn ideeën uit Mein Kampf uit te voeren. Na de Rijksdagbrand op 27 februari 1933 schortte hij de belangrijkste burgerrechten op. Ook werden er antisemitische verordeningen aangenomen die het Joden onmogelijk maken de belangrijkste beroepen uit te oefenen door het vereiste van een zogenoemd 'Ariër'-bewijs. Als reactie op deze maatregelen en de boycot op 1 april 1933 van Joodse winkeliers, artsen en advocaten zochten verlieten veel Joden Duitsland. Zij zochten in eerste instantie een veilig heenkomen in omringende landen, waaronder Nederland.[1] Alleen al in de eerste dagen van april 1933 weken er honderden uit naar Nederland, waaronder Otto Frank. In de maanden daarna werd hij gevolgd door vrouw en beide dochters.[2]
\r\n\r\nOn 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler became Reich Chancellor of Germany. This gave him the opportunity to implement his ideas from Mein Kampf. After the Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933, he suspended key civil rights. Anti-Semitic ordinances were also passed making it impossible for Jews to practice the most important professions by requiring a so-called 'Aryan' certificate. In response to these measures and the boycott on 1 April 1933 of Jewish shopkeepers, doctors and lawyers, many Jews left Germany. They initially sought safe haven in surrounding countries, including the Netherlands.[1] In the first days of April 1933 alone, hundreds fled to the Netherlands, including Otto Frank. In the months that followed, he was followed by his wife and both daughters.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn maart 1938 werd Oostenrij geannexeerd door Duitsland. Deze zogenaame 'Anschluss' had tot gevolg dat zowel Joodse als niet-Joodse Oostenrijkers het land uitvluchtten. De annexatie van delen van Tsjechoslowakije in oktober 1938 leidde evens tot aan hausse aan vluchtelingen. De Kristallnacht, de beruchte pogrom van november 1938 tegen de Joodse inwoners van Duitsland en de daarmee gepaard gaande moorden, mishandelingen, plunderingen en brandstichtingen brachten veel Joden ertoe Duitsland halsoverkop te verlaten.[1] Onder hen ook Fritz Pfeffer en Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nDevelopments in Germany after 1933 triggered several waves of Jewish emigration from that country. In addition to the boycott of Jewish shopkeepers and liberal professionals already proclaimed in April 1933, the Nuremberg laws came into effect in September 1935. These so-called racial laws and subsequent regulations were intended to deprive Jews in Germany of all their rights. For instance, Germans were forbidden to marry Jews and German Jews were deprived of even more civil rights. In this way, the Nazis tried to make life so hard for Jews that they would 'voluntarily' leave Germany.
\r\n\r\nBetween 1933 and 1937, a total of about 130,000 Jews left Nazi Germany. One of the famliles who left when life became increasingly difficult for Jews was the family of Herman van Pels. In 1937, they left Osnabrück in Germany and settled in Amsterdam.[1] Several siblings of Hermann van Pels and his wife Auguste Röttgen, as well as their parents, also opted for safe refuge in the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nDe ontwikkelingen in Duitsland na 1933 brachten verschillende golfbewegingen in de Joodse emigratie uit dat land teweeg, Naast de al in april 1933 afgekondigde boycot van Joodse winkeliers en vrije beroepsbeoefenaars, traden in september 1935 de wetten van Neurenberg in werking, Deze zogenaamde rassenwetten en navolgende verordeningen waren bedoeld om de Joden in Duitsland al hun rechten te ontnemen. Zo was het verboden voor Duitsers om te trouwen met Joden en Duitse Joden werden nog meer burgerrechten ontnomen. Op deze manier probeerden de nazi's Joden het leven zo zuur te maken dat ze 'vrijwillig' uit Duitsland zouden vertrekken.
\r\n\r\nTussen 1933 en 1937 verlieten in totaal zo’n 130.000 Joden nazi-Duitsland. Een van de famliles die vertrokken toen voor Joden het leven steeds moeilijker werd, was het gezin van Herman van Pels. In 1937 verlieten zij het Duitse Osnabrück en vestigden zich in Amsterdam.[1] Ook een aantal broers en zussen van Hermann van Pels en zijn echtgenote Auguste Röttgen, evenals hun ouders, kozen een goed heenkomen in Nederland.
\r\n\r\nDevelopments in Germany after 1933 triggered several waves of Jewish emigration from that country. In addition to the boycott of Jewish shopkeepers and liberal professionals already proclaimed in April 1933, the Nuremberg laws came into effect in September 1935. These so-called racial laws and subsequent regulations were intended to deprive Jews in Germany of all their rights. For instance, Germans were forbidden to marry Jews and German Jews were deprived of even more civil rights. In this way, the Nazis tried to make life so hard for Jews that they would 'voluntarily' leave Germany.
\r\n\r\nBetween 1933 and 1937, a total of about 130,000 Jews left Nazi Germany. One of the famliles who left when life became increasingly difficult for Jews was the family of Herman van Pels. In 1937, they left Osnabrück in Germany and settled in Amsterdam.[1] Several siblings of Hermann van Pels and his wife Auguste Röttgen, as well as their parents, also opted for safe refuge in the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nThis department supervised non-Dutch nationals. This included Jewish immigrants, who had to deal with it in the 1930s, but also those Dutch nationals, for example, who served with the Foreign Legion and lost their nationality as a result. The Central Criminal Investigation and Immigration Department offices were at the address Spinhuissteeg 5.
","content_nl":"Deze dienst hield toezicht op niet-Nederlanders. Dat wil zeggen dat de Joodse immigranten die in de jaren dertig ermee te maken kregen, maar ook die Nederlanders bijvoorbeeld bij het Vreemdelingenlegioen dienden en daardoor hun nationaliteit verloren. Het bureau Centrale Recherche en Vreemdelingendienst was gehuisvest op het adres Spinhuissteeg 5.
","content_en":"This department supervised non-Dutch nationals. This included Jewish immigrants, who had to deal with it in the 1930s, but also those Dutch nationals, for example, who served with the Foreign Legion and lost their nationality as a result. The Central Criminal Investigation and Immigration Department offices were at the address Spinhuissteeg 5.
","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.89716 52.37037)","summary":"The Immigration Department of the Amsterdam police was part of the Central Criminal Investigation Department.","summary_nl":"De Vreemdelingendienst van de Amsterdamse politie was onderdeel van de Centrale Recherche.","summary_en":"The Immigration Department of the Amsterdam police was part of the Central Criminal Investigation Department.","same_as":null,"street":"Spinhuissteeg 5","zipcode":"","city":"Amsterdam","state":"","land":"","location_events":[88,291]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/df5ad107-631b-49be-adff-a39a5026b220/","published":true,"uuid":"df5ad107-631b-49be-adff-a39a5026b220","name":"Hermann van Pels arrested as a deserter","name_nl":"Hermann van Pels aangehouden als deserteur","name_en":"Hermann van Pels arrested as a deserter","content":"He had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nHij was in 1920 aangemerkt als deserteur, maar had in 1937 alsnog vrijstelling gekregen en werd in 1938 uit militaire dienst ontslagen.[1] Maar toen Van Pels zich op 6 januari 1939 op het bureau van de Vreemdelingendienst meldde, bleek zijn signalering als deserteur nog altijd in het Algemeen Politieblad te staan. Hij werd door de Centrale Recherche ongeveer drie kwartier vastgehouden totdat het misverstand was opgehelderd.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank took her red-checked diary with her when she went into hiding. On the first page she wrote: "Oh, I'm so glad I brought you along".[1] When she rewrote her diary on loose sheets (Diary B), she elaborated on this:
\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n"Margot and I started packing our most important belongings into a schoolbag. The first thing I stuck in was this diary, and then curlers, handkerchiefs, schoolbooks, a comb and some old letters. Preoccupied by the thought of going into hiding, I stuck the craziest things in the bag, but I'm not sorry. Memories mean more to me than dresses."[2]
\r\n
By the end of October 1942, the red checked diary was almost full. She wrote: "I may perhaps ask Bep if she can go to Perrij to see if they sell diaries, otherwise I will soon have to get a notebook, because my diary is getting full, too bad!"[3] The first diary ends with the note of 5 December 1942. Anne did add notes of later dates and (due to lack of space) pasted in pages.
\r\n\r\nMany of Anne's experiences and opinions from her time in hiding are recorded in her diary entries and some of her short stories.
\r\n\r\nAnne writes in her diary that she did not hear where they were going until the morning of 6 July 1942. Her parents informed her on the way about the hiding place in the Opekta building, and about the preparations that had been made.[4]
\r\n\r\nDuring the period in the Secret Annex, Anne tried to keep up with her schoolwork. In the Secret Annex, she studied English, French, German, shorthand, geometry, algebra, history, geography, art history, mythology, biology, biblical history and Dutch literature.[5]
\r\n\r\nWhen the period in hiding began, Anne was 13 years old. Her sexual development was also covered in her diary. She noted in October 1942 that she expected to get her first period soon.[6] In early 1944, she wrote about it again, by which time it had "only happened three times".[7]
\r\n\r\nWith Peter, Anne talked about the time before going into hiding. A few weeks later, they talked about the early days in hiding, and how they couldn't stand each other then.[8] In March 19444, the romance with Peter played out, which faded again after about six weeks.[9]
\r\n\r\nAnne had a good relationship with Bep Voskuijl. Bep was by far the youngest of the helpers, and two of her sisters were younger than Anne. Besides herself, Margot and Peter, Anne also counted Bep among the youth who were not well understood by the adults in the Secret Annex.[10]
\r\n\r\nAs time progressed, Anne's notes became more introspective. In early 1944, she writes about her increased people skills, noting that after six months, she actually thought it was enough.[11] On 7 March 1944, she looks back on her development of about two years. In 1942, she experienced a 'carefree school time', only to be overwhelmed by loneliness and enter into all kinds of conflicts after 6 July. In early 1943, she lost herself in grief and loneliness, while in the second half of that year, she grew to become a teenage girl, became more concerned with philosophical questions and got to know God.[12] Moreover, this is when, by her own admission, she started thinking and writing. Her Short Stories are dated from July 1943 onwards, except for three. On 20 May 1944, Anne writes that she has finally started writing The Secret Annex, the rewriting of her earlier diary entries with a view to publication.[13] This process was in itself the most extensive reflection on earlier notes and thoughts that appear in the manuscripts.
\r\n\r\nIt goes without saying that Anne too must have found her forced stay in the Secret Annex difficult. About her experience of the time in hiding, her father writes more than 20 years later that she especially looked forward every day to someone bringing news from outside.[14]
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank nam haar roodgeruite dagboek mee toen ze ging onderduiken. Op de eerste pagina schrijft ze: 'Ik ben, O, zo blij dat ik je meegenomen heb.' [1] Als ze haar dagboek herschrijft op losse vellen (dagboek B) gaat ze hier uitgebreider op in:
\r\n\r\n'Margot en ik begonnen het nodigste in een schooltas te pakken, het eerste wat ik er in stopte was dit gecartonneerde schrift, daarna krulpennen, zakdoeken, schoolboeken, kam, oude brieven, ik dacht aan het schuilen en stopte daardoor de gekste onzin in de tas, maar ik heb er geen spijt van, ik geef meer om herinneringen, dan om jurken.'[2]\r\n\r\n
Eind oktober 1942 was het roodgeruite dagboek bijna vol. Ze schrijft hierover: 'Ik mag Bep misschien vragen of zij bij Perrij eens kan gaan kijken of die dagboeken verkopen, want anders moet ik gauw een schrift nemen, want mijn dagboek raakt vol, jammer!' [3]
\r\n\r\nHet eerste dagboek eindigt met de notitie van 5 december 1942. Anne heeft nog wel (uit ruimtegebrek) notities van later datum toegevoegd en pagina’s ingeplakt.
\r\n\r\nVeel van Annes ervaringen en meningen uit de onderduiktijd liggen vast in haar dagboeknotities en een deel van haar verhaaltjes.
\r\n\r\nAnne schrijft in haar dagboek dat ze pas in de ochtend van 6 juli 1942 hoorde waar ze naartoe gingen. Haar ouders lichtten haar onderweg in over de schuilplaats in het Opekta-pand, en over de voorbereidingen die waren getroffen.[4]
\r\n\r\nTijdens de periode in het Achterhuis probeerde Anne haar schoolwerk bij te houden. In het Achterhuis leerde ze Engels, Frans, Duits, steno, meetkunde, algebra, geschiedenis, aardrijkskunde, kunstgeschiedenis, mythologie, biologie, bijbelse geschiedenis en Nederlandse literatuur.[5]
\r\n\r\nToen de onderduikperiode begon was Anne dertien jaar. Haar seksuele ontwikkeling vond ook een plaats in haar dagboek. Ze noteerde in oktober 1942 dat ze verwachtte snel ongesteld te zullen worden.[6] Begin 1944 schrijft ze er nog eens over, dan is het 'nog maar drie keer gebeurd.'[7]
\r\n\r\nMet Peter sprak Anne over de tijd voor het onderduiken. Enkele weken later spreken ze over de begintijd van de onderduik, en hoe ze elkaar toen niet konden uitstaan.[8] In maart 1944 tekende zich de romance met Peter af, die na een week of zes weer verflauwde.[9]
\r\n\r\nMet Bep Voskuijl had ze een goede band. Bep was veruit de jongste van de helpers, en twee van haar zusjes waren jonger dan Anne. Anne rekende naast zichzelf, Margot en Peter ook Bep tot de jeugd die door de volwassenen in het Achterhuis niet goed werd begrepen.[10]
\r\n\r\nNaarmate de tijd vorderde werden Annes notities introspectiever. Begin 1944 schrijft ze over haar toegenomen mensenkennis, met de kanttekening dat ze het na een half jaar eigenlijk wel genoeg vond.[11] Op 7 maart 1944 blikt ze terug op haar ontwikkeling van ongeveer twee jaar. In 1942 beleefde zij een 'onbezorgde schooltijd', om na 6 juli te worden overrompeld door eenzaamheid en allerlei conflicten aan te gaan. Begin 1943 verloor ze zich in verdriet en eenzaamheid, terwijl ze in de tweede helft van dat jaar tot ‘bakvis’ uitgroeide, zich meer met levensbeschouwelijke vragen bezig ging houden en God leerde kennen.[12] Bovendien begon ze toen, naar eigen zeggen, te denken en te schrijven. Haar ‘verhaaltjes’ zijn op drie na gedateerd vanaf juli 1943. Op 20 mei 1944 schrijft Anne dat ze eindelijk met schrijven van Het Achterhuis is begonnen, de herschrijving van haar eerdere dagboeknotities met het oog op publicatie.[13] Dit proces is in zichzelf de meest omvangrijke reflectie op eerdere notities en gedachten die in de manuscripten voorkomt.
\r\n\r\nHet spreekt vanzelf dat ook voor Anne het gedwongen verblijf in het Achterhuis moeilijk moet zijn geweest. Over haar beleving van de onderduiktijd schrijft haar vader ruim twintig jaar later dat zij vooral elke dag uitkeek naar iemand die nieuws van buiten kwam brengen.[14]
\r\n\r\n","content_en":"
Anne Frank took her red-checked diary with her when she went into hiding. On the first page she wrote: "Oh, I'm so glad I brought you along".[1] When she rewrote her diary on loose sheets (Diary B), she elaborated on this:
\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n"Margot and I started packing our most important belongings into a schoolbag. The first thing I stuck in was this diary, and then curlers, handkerchiefs, schoolbooks, a comb and some old letters. Preoccupied by the thought of going into hiding, I stuck the craziest things in the bag, but I'm not sorry. Memories mean more to me than dresses."[2]
\r\n
By the end of October 1942, the red checked diary was almost full. She wrote: "I may perhaps ask Bep if she can go to Perrij to see if they sell diaries, otherwise I will soon have to get a notebook, because my diary is getting full, too bad!"[3] The first diary ends with the note of 5 December 1942. Anne did add notes of later dates and (due to lack of space) pasted in pages.
\r\n\r\nMany of Anne's experiences and opinions from her time in hiding are recorded in her diary entries and some of her short stories.
\r\n\r\nAnne writes in her diary that she did not hear where they were going until the morning of 6 July 1942. Her parents informed her on the way about the hiding place in the Opekta building, and about the preparations that had been made.[4]
\r\n\r\nDuring the period in the Secret Annex, Anne tried to keep up with her schoolwork. In the Secret Annex, she studied English, French, German, shorthand, geometry, algebra, history, geography, art history, mythology, biology, biblical history and Dutch literature.[5]
\r\n\r\nWhen the period in hiding began, Anne was 13 years old. Her sexual development was also covered in her diary. She noted in October 1942 that she expected to get her first period soon.[6] In early 1944, she wrote about it again, by which time it had "only happened three times".[7]
\r\n\r\nWith Peter, Anne talked about the time before going into hiding. A few weeks later, they talked about the early days in hiding, and how they couldn't stand each other then.[8] In March 19444, the romance with Peter played out, which faded again after about six weeks.[9]
\r\n\r\nAnne had a good relationship with Bep Voskuijl. Bep was by far the youngest of the helpers, and two of her sisters were younger than Anne. Besides herself, Margot and Peter, Anne also counted Bep among the youth who were not well understood by the adults in the Secret Annex.[10]
\r\n\r\nAs time progressed, Anne's notes became more introspective. In early 1944, she writes about her increased people skills, noting that after six months, she actually thought it was enough.[11] On 7 March 1944, she looks back on her development of about two years. In 1942, she experienced a 'carefree school time', only to be overwhelmed by loneliness and enter into all kinds of conflicts after 6 July. In early 1943, she lost herself in grief and loneliness, while in the second half of that year, she grew to become a teenage girl, became more concerned with philosophical questions and got to know God.[12] Moreover, this is when, by her own admission, she started thinking and writing. Her Short Stories are dated from July 1943 onwards, except for three. On 20 May 1944, Anne writes that she has finally started writing The Secret Annex, the rewriting of her earlier diary entries with a view to publication.[13] This process was in itself the most extensive reflection on earlier notes and thoughts that appear in the manuscripts.
\r\n\r\nIt goes without saying that Anne too must have found her forced stay in the Secret Annex difficult. About her experience of the time in hiding, her father writes more than 20 years later that she especially looked forward every day to someone bringing news from outside.[14]
\r\n\r\nOn 6 July 1942, the whole family went into hiding in the Secret Annex.[1] The original plan to go into hiding on 16 July 1942 was brought forward ten days by the call-up Margot received to go and work in Germany.[2] Preparations for hiding began much earlier.[3] Otto Frank says: "As a result of the increasingly stringent provisions against Jews, it became necessary for me and my family to go into hiding."[4]
\r\n\r\nOn the day they went into hiding, Otto, Edith and Anne walked from Merwedeplein to Prinsengracht.[5] Margot had already gone on her bicycle earlier that morning.
\r\n\r\nThe raid and arrest on 4 August 1944 put an end to the period of hiding.[6] The period in hiding is also recorded with these start and end dates on Otto's aliens card in the police archives.[7].
\r\n\r\nA note left behind in the house at Merwedeplein, with an address in Maastricht, was intended to give the impression that the family had left the country. Van Pels told Werner Goldschmidt, the Frank family's subtenant, that an officer - a childhood friend of Otto Frank - was helping him.[8] Unfortunately, it is unclear which address this relates to.
\r\n\r\nOtto sent a birthday card to Leni (Lunni) in Basel on 5 July 1942, from which it can be deduced that he and his family were about to go into hiding. This is because Leni's birthday is not until September 8. He wrote: "Wir sind gesund u. zusammen, das ist die Hauptsache." [9] He returned to this card in a letter to his family in Basel dated 8 June 1945: "Das ich etwas vorbereitet hattet, konntet Ihr aus meinen letzten Zeilen wohl entnehmen." [10] The letter was apparently returned on 3 July; postal traffic with Switzerland was difficult. This preparation also emerges from the diary: "Papa and Mama had long since got a lot of things out of our house (...)".[1]
\r\n\r\nPrior to going into hiding, Otto Frank said he had earned enough to support his family. [11]
\r\n\r\nOp 6 juli 1942 dook het hele gezin onder in het Achterhuis.[1] Het oorspronkelijke plan om 16 juli 1942 onder te duiken was door de oproep aan Margot om in Duitsland te gaan werken tien dagen vervroegd.[2] De voorbereidingen voor de onderduik waren al veel eerder begonnen.[3] Otto Frank zei hierover: "Tengevolge van de steeds stringenter wordende bepalingen contra de joden werd het voor mij en mijn gezin noodzakelijk te gaan onderduiken."[4]
\r\n\r\nOp de dag van de onderduik ging Otto met Edith en Anne lopend van het Merwedeplein naar de Prinsengracht.[5] Margot was in de vroege ochtend al op de fiets gegaan.
\r\n\r\nDe inval en arrestatie op 4 augustus 1944 maakten een eind aan de onderduikperiode.[6] De onderduikperiode staat met deze begin- en einddata ook aangetekend op Otto’s vreemdelingenkaart in het politiearchief.[7]
\r\n\r\nEen achtergelaten briefje in de woning aan het Merwedeplein, met een adres in Maastricht diende om de indruk te wekken dat de familie het land verlaten had. Van Pels vertelde aan Werner Goldschmidt, de onderhuurder van de familie Frank, dat een officier - een jeugdvriend van Otto Frank - hem hielp. Helaas is het onduidelijk welk adres het zou betreffen.[8]
\r\n\r\nOtto stuurde op 5 juli 1942 aan Leni (Lunni) in Bazel een verjaardagskaart waar uit op te maken viel dat hij en zijn gezin op het punt stonden onder te duiken. Leni was namelijk pas op 8 september jarig. Hij schreef: 'Wir sind gesund u. zusammen, das ist die Hauptsache.'[9] Hij kwam op deze kaart terug in een brief aan zijn familie in Bazel van 8 juni 1945: 'Das ich etwas vorbereitet hattet, konntet Ihr aus meinen letzten Zeilen wohl entnehmen.'[10] De brief kwam kennelijk 3 juli retour; het postverkeer met Zwitserland verliep stroef. Die voorbereiding komt ook naar voren uit het dagboek: 'Papa en mama hadden al lang een heleboel uit ons huis gedaan (...).'[1]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank had voorafgaand aan de onderduik naar eigen zeggen genoeg verdiend om voor zijn gezin in het levensonderhoud te voorzien.[11]
\r\n\r\nOn 6 July 1942, the whole family went into hiding in the Secret Annex.[1] The original plan to go into hiding on 16 July 1942 was brought forward ten days by the call-up Margot received to go and work in Germany.[2] Preparations for hiding began much earlier.[3] Otto Frank says: "As a result of the increasingly stringent provisions against Jews, it became necessary for me and my family to go into hiding."[4]
\r\n\r\nOn the day they went into hiding, Otto, Edith and Anne walked from Merwedeplein to Prinsengracht.[5] Margot had already gone on her bicycle earlier that morning.
\r\n\r\nThe raid and arrest on 4 August 1944 put an end to the period of hiding.[6] The period in hiding is also recorded with these start and end dates on Otto's aliens card in the police archives.[7].
\r\n\r\nA note left behind in the house at Merwedeplein, with an address in Maastricht, was intended to give the impression that the family had left the country. Van Pels told Werner Goldschmidt, the Frank family's subtenant, that an officer - a childhood friend of Otto Frank - was helping him.[8] Unfortunately, it is unclear which address this relates to.
\r\n\r\nOtto sent a birthday card to Leni (Lunni) in Basel on 5 July 1942, from which it can be deduced that he and his family were about to go into hiding. This is because Leni's birthday is not until September 8. He wrote: "Wir sind gesund u. zusammen, das ist die Hauptsache." [9] He returned to this card in a letter to his family in Basel dated 8 June 1945: "Das ich etwas vorbereitet hattet, konntet Ihr aus meinen letzten Zeilen wohl entnehmen." [10] The letter was apparently returned on 3 July; postal traffic with Switzerland was difficult. This preparation also emerges from the diary: "Papa and Mama had long since got a lot of things out of our house (...)".[1]
\r\n\r\nPrior to going into hiding, Otto Frank said he had earned enough to support his family. [11]
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne Frank's diary, the plan was for them to arrive on 14 July 1942. Due to many reports of call-ups to work, they were so concerned that they left for the Secret Annex a day earlier.[1] Incidentally, Peter was not yet 16, and both his parents had been born before 1902, meaning they were not among the first-ever called-up categories.
\r\n\r\nVolgens Anne Franks dagboek was het plan dat zij 14 juli 1942 zouden komen. Door vele berichten over oproepen waren zij zodanig verontrust dat ze een dag eerder naar het Achterhuis vertrokken.[1] Peter was overigens nog geen zestien, en zijn beide ouders waren geboren voor 1902, wat wil zeggen dat zij niet tot de allereerst opgeroepen categorieen behoorden.
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne Frank's diary, the plan was for them to arrive on 14 July 1942. Due to many reports of call-ups to work, they were so concerned that they left for the Secret Annex a day earlier.[1] Incidentally, Peter was not yet 16, and both his parents had been born before 1902, meaning they were not among the first-ever called-up categories.
\r\n\r\nJo Kleiman regularly brought books for the people in hiding. In the late summer of 1942, when the Secret Annex had only been inhabited for a few weeks, he brought a book that was to cause quite a stir. Although the book title was not mentioned, it concerned a trilogy by Australian-British writer Helen Zenna Smith,[1] a Dutch translation of Not so quiet: stepdaughters of war (1930), Women of the aftermath (1932) and Shadow women (1932), published in a single volume by de Arbeiderspers in 1938.[2] The first part is about a group of British young ladies, who drive ambulances behind the front lines in northern France during the First World War. Their dangerous work and contact with German prisoners of war lead to coarser manners and looser sexual morals.
\r\n\r\nPeter's parents did not want him to read the book, which Anne said was "very outspoken". His mother later relented somewhat, but his father stood his ground. Peter rebelled against his parents and indignantly holed himself up in the attic, threatening that he wouldn't study English either if he wasn't allowed to read the book. Incidentally, Edith Frank thought her daughter Margot was very sensible "in such matters", but even so, she was not allowed to read the trilogy either.[3]
\r\n\r\nSeveral passages that may have raised eyebrows at the time would not cause much of a stir in this day and age:
\r\n\r\n"How disgusting you all are!" says Etta Potato. "I'm sure the prisoners weren't thinking horrid things, Tosh. They've all got sisters of their own."\r\n\r\n
\r\n"I hope they don't look at them in the same way, then. Isn't Etta Potato sweet, girls? The one and only virgo intacta in the convoy.”
\r\nThere is a yell of indignation. "Here, what about me?" "And me?" "And me?"
\r\n“Children,” says Tosh, “you may be virgo, but I'm blowed if you're intacta."[4]
Meanwhile, the question remains whether Peter managed to read the book in the end.
\r\n\r\n","content_nl":"
Jo Kleiman bracht geregeld boeken mee voor de onderduikers. In de nazomer van 1942, het Achterhuis was nog maar enkele weken bewoond, bracht hij een boek mee dat de gemoederen flink zou beroeren. De titel van het boek blijft ongenoemd, maar het ging om een trilogie van de Australisch-Britse schrijfster Helen Zenna Smith,[1] in 1938 in één band bij de Arbeiderspers verschenen, namelijk Gij Vrouwen..!, Vrouwen in nood en Vrouwenroeping.[2] Het eerste deel gaat over een groep Britse jongedames van goede komaf, die tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in Noord-Frankrijk met ambulances achter de frontlinies reden. Het gevaarlijke werk en de contacten met Duitse krijgsgevangenen leidden tot de nodige verruwing en een lossere seksuele moraal.
\r\n\r\nPeters ouders wilden niet hebben dat hij dit boek, volgens Anne 'erg vrij geschreven', zou lezen. Zijn moeder bond later wat in, maar zijn vader hield voet bij stuk. Peter rebelleerde tegen zijn ouders en verschanste zich verontwaardigd op zolder, dreigend dat hij ook geen Engels meer zou leren als hij het boek niet lezen mocht. Overigens vond Edith Frank haar dochter Margot heel verstandig 'in die dingen', maar desondanks mocht ook zij het boek niet lezen.[3]
\r\n\r\nVerschillende passages die destijds opvoeders mogelijk de wenkbrauwen deden fronsen zullen in deze tijd niet veel opzien meer baren:
\r\n\r\n"Ik vind het weerzinwekkend, dat gepraat van jullie", zegt Etta Potato. "Ik ben er zeker van dat die gevangenen niets lelijks dachten, Tosh. Ze hebben zelf ook zusters."\r\n\r\n
\r\n"Dan hoop ik, dat ze die niet op zo'n manier aankijken. Zeg, is Etta Potato geen lief kind? De ene en enige virgo intacta in de hele ploeg."
\r\nEen kreet van verontwaardiging. "Zeg, wou je soms wat van mij zeggen?" "En ik dan?" "En ik?"
\r\n"Kinderen", zegt Tosh, "jullie zijn misschien virgo, maar ik mag een staart krijgen als je intacta bent."[4]
De grote vraag blijft intussen of Peter het boek uiteindelijk toch nog heeft kunnen lezen.
\r\n\r\n","content_en":"
Jo Kleiman regularly brought books for the people in hiding. In the late summer of 1942, when the Secret Annex had only been inhabited for a few weeks, he brought a book that was to cause quite a stir. Although the book title was not mentioned, it concerned a trilogy by Australian-British writer Helen Zenna Smith,[1] a Dutch translation of Not so quiet: stepdaughters of war (1930), Women of the aftermath (1932) and Shadow women (1932), published in a single volume by de Arbeiderspers in 1938.[2] The first part is about a group of British young ladies, who drive ambulances behind the front lines in northern France during the First World War. Their dangerous work and contact with German prisoners of war lead to coarser manners and looser sexual morals.
\r\n\r\nPeter's parents did not want him to read the book, which Anne said was "very outspoken". His mother later relented somewhat, but his father stood his ground. Peter rebelled against his parents and indignantly holed himself up in the attic, threatening that he wouldn't study English either if he wasn't allowed to read the book. Incidentally, Edith Frank thought her daughter Margot was very sensible "in such matters", but even so, she was not allowed to read the trilogy either.[3]
\r\n\r\nSeveral passages that may have raised eyebrows at the time would not cause much of a stir in this day and age:
\r\n\r\n"How disgusting you all are!" says Etta Potato. "I'm sure the prisoners weren't thinking horrid things, Tosh. They've all got sisters of their own."\r\n\r\n
\r\n"I hope they don't look at them in the same way, then. Isn't Etta Potato sweet, girls? The one and only virgo intacta in the convoy.”
\r\nThere is a yell of indignation. "Here, what about me?" "And me?" "And me?"
\r\n“Children,” says Tosh, “you may be virgo, but I'm blowed if you're intacta."[4]
Meanwhile, the question remains whether Peter managed to read the book in the end.
\r\n\r\n","date":"1942-09-21","date_start":null,"date_end":null,"summary":"In the Secret Annex, there was often not much more to do than read. But not every book was deemed suitable.","summary_nl":"In het Achterhuis viel vaak niet veel meer te doen dan lezen. Maar niet ieder boek viel in goede aarde.","summary_en":"In the Secret Annex, there was often not much more to do than read. But not every book was deemed suitable.","same_as":null,"files":[]},{"id":309,"main_image":{"id":1064,"uuid":"2e008dd4-50fe-442f-a7f4-e6de24db4659","name":"Het Beursspel","title":"Het Beursspel","alt":"Fotograaf onbekend. Fotocollectie Anne Frank Stichting","url":"","path":"https://research.annefrank.org/media/afh_beursspel0000.jpg","filetype":"image","description":"","author":"Collectie kan worden ingezet voor publiek.","copyright":"AFS rechthebbende."},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/d5a710eb-8d2f-4e2e-be80-361365106d16/","subjects":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/subjects/5f313320-29fb-4364-a148-5b9111f12e47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/subjects/483c6a65-8444-4374-8969-77b720556935"],"persons":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/c096c411-9830-4e8e-bc9c-85ff188a1feb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/0855fb95-33ad-4cc8-a549-21853833eff5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/9276945d-3ec3-4d82-aad1-8708abc63e7f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/d25d3c8e-2ad8-492e-bbcf-d06da70e3e42"],"location":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a699d98a-eab0-4e27-a4a1-f2c76df56892","published":true,"uuid":"d5a710eb-8d2f-4e2e-be80-361365106d16","name":"Peter gets a stock exchange board game for his birthday","name_nl":"Peter krijgt Beursspel voor zijn verjaardag","name_en":"Peter gets a stock exchange board game for his birthday","content":"
The Beursspel (Stock Exchange Game) was a board game where players could speculate on price fluctuations, trade in shares and invest in (overseas) trade and industry.[1] Anne's diary later states that they played it occasionally.[2]
\r\n\r\nHet Beursspel was een bordspel waarbij de spelers konden speculeren op koersschommelingen, in aandelen handelen en investeren in (overzeese) handel en industrie.[1] In Annes dagboek is later te lezen dat ze het af en toe speelden.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe Beursspel (Stock Exchange Game) was a board game where players could speculate on price fluctuations, trade in shares and invest in (overseas) trade and industry.[1] Anne's diary later states that they played it occasionally.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer's Amsterdam circle of acquaintances were unaware that - due to the Nuremberg laws - he was not officially married to Charlotte Kaletta. As a result, his status was not that of a mixed married person, but of an unmarried Volljude.He was therefore also forced to go into hiding. Before doing so, he wrote a farewell letter to Charlotte Kaletta on 15 November 1942, explaining to her in covert language that he had decided to go into hiding[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 16 November 1942, Fritz Pfeffer went into hiding in the annex at Prinsengracht 263. There he remained until the raid of 4 August 1944.[2] He slept in the narrow room, which he shared with Anne Frank, in the back right-hand corner of the second floor of the Secret Annex.[3]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer's possible arrival at the Secret Annex was first mentioned in Anne Frank's diary on 21 September 1942.[4] That is about two months before he actually arrived. The A-version does not give an exact date of Pfeffer's arrival. According to this version, Johannes Kleiman met Pfeffer at the Main Post Office and they walked to Prinsengracht.[5] In the B version, Anne writes about the arrival of Pfeffer on 17 November 1942. Kleiman would have gone by tram: "Kleiman took a streetcar back to the office while Pf. walked on foot".[6]
\r\n\r\nOn 30 November 1942, his landlord Felix Mittwoch reported that Pfeffer had told him that he might have to undergo an operation in an unspecified hospital because of kidney disease. After Mittwoch heard nothing more from his tenant for several days, he notified the police's Immigration Department that he had moved out.[7]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was a doctor and dentist. He performed dentistry in the Secret Annex.[8] Anne describes how he examined her when she was ill.[9] He moved into the small room where Anne and Margot had slept until then, and thereafter shared it with Anne. Margot moved into her parents' bedroom. At first, Anne writes that the atmosphere in the house was good. Later, there were more reports of conflicts between the people in hiding, and between her and Pfeffer.
\r\n\r\nIn de Amsterdamse kennissenkring van Fritz Pfeffer was onbekend dat hij vanwege de Neurenberger wetten niet officieel met Charlotte Kaletta was getrouwd. Zijn status was dan ook niet die van een gemengd gehuwde, maar van een ongetrouwde Volljude. Daarom zag ook hij zich genoodzaakt onder te duiken. Voordat hij dit deed schreef hij op 15 november 1942 een afscheidsbrief aan Charlotte Kaletta, waarin hij haar in bedekte termen uitlegde dat hij had besloten om ondertduiken.[1]
\r\n\r\nOp 16 november 1942 dook Fritz Pfeffer onder in het achterhuis van Prinsengracht 263. Daar bleef hij tot de inval van 4 augustus 1944.[2] Hij sliep hier in het smalle kamertje, dat hij deelde met Anne Frank, rechtsachter op de tweede verdieping van het Achterhuis.[3]
\r\n\r\nDe mogelijke komst van Pfeffer naar het Achterhuis komt in het dagboek van Anne Frank voor het eerst ter sprake op 21 september 1942.[4] Dat is ongeveer twee maanden voor hij daadwerkelijk arriveerde. In de A-versie staat geen exacte datum van Pfeffers komst. Volgens deze versie zou Johannes Kleiman Pfeffer bij het Hoofdpostkantoor ophalen en zouden zij naar de Prinsengracht lopen.[5] In de B-versie schrijft Anne op 17 november 1942 over de komst van Pfeffer. Kleiman zou met de tram zijn gegaan: 'Kleiman stapte in de tram, reed terug naar kantoor en Pf. liep dezelfde weg op.'[6]
\r\n\r\nOp 30 november 1942 meldde zijn huisbaas Felix Mittwoch dat Pfeffer hem had verteld dat hij vanwege een nierziekte misschien een operatie in een niet nader genoemd ziekenhuis moest ondergaan. Nadat Mittwoch enige dagen niets meer van zijn huurder hoorde, meldde hij hem bij de Vreemdelingendienst van de politie af.[7]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was arts en tandarts. Als tandarts trad hij ook in het Achterhuis op.[8] Anne beschrijft hoe hij haar onderzoekt toen ze ziek was.[9] Hij betrok het kleine kamertje waar tot dan Anne en Margot sliepen, en deelde dat voortaan met Anne. Margot verhuisde naar de slaapkamer van haar ouders. Aanvankelijk schrijft Anne dat de sfeer in huis goed is. Later komen er meer berichten over conflicten tussen de onderduikers en tussen haar en Pfeffer.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer's Amsterdam circle of acquaintances were unaware that - due to the Nuremberg laws - he was not officially married to Charlotte Kaletta. As a result, his status was not that of a mixed married person, but of an unmarried Volljude.He was therefore also forced to go into hiding. Before doing so, he wrote a farewell letter to Charlotte Kaletta on 15 November 1942, explaining to her in covert language that he had decided to go into hiding[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 16 November 1942, Fritz Pfeffer went into hiding in the annex at Prinsengracht 263. There he remained until the raid of 4 August 1944.[2] He slept in the narrow room, which he shared with Anne Frank, in the back right-hand corner of the second floor of the Secret Annex.[3]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer's possible arrival at the Secret Annex was first mentioned in Anne Frank's diary on 21 September 1942.[4] That is about two months before he actually arrived. The A-version does not give an exact date of Pfeffer's arrival. According to this version, Johannes Kleiman met Pfeffer at the Main Post Office and they walked to Prinsengracht.[5] In the B version, Anne writes about the arrival of Pfeffer on 17 November 1942. Kleiman would have gone by tram: "Kleiman took a streetcar back to the office while Pf. walked on foot".[6]
\r\n\r\nOn 30 November 1942, his landlord Felix Mittwoch reported that Pfeffer had told him that he might have to undergo an operation in an unspecified hospital because of kidney disease. After Mittwoch heard nothing more from his tenant for several days, he notified the police's Immigration Department that he had moved out.[7]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was a doctor and dentist. He performed dentistry in the Secret Annex.[8] Anne describes how he examined her when she was ill.[9] He moved into the small room where Anne and Margot had slept until then, and thereafter shared it with Anne. Margot moved into her parents' bedroom. At first, Anne writes that the atmosphere in the house was good. Later, there were more reports of conflicts between the people in hiding, and between her and Pfeffer.
\r\n\r\nMaurits Wessels, the new owner, was a member of an extensive family whose registration as Jewish persons had been succesfully removed through a so-called Calmeyer procedure.[1] As a result, he regained control of his assets and was able to resume his business.[2] In February 1943 he already bought several properties in the Pijp and Kinkerbuurt districts. Anne Frank noted in her diary version dated 27 February 1943, but rewritten in 1944, that one morning "the new owner" came to inspect his purchase.[3] If her dating is correct, Wessels was at best an aspiring owner, he ultimately bought the property on 22 April 1943.[4]
\r\n\r\nAnne writes that the new owner viewed the building together with an architect and Jo Kleiman. According to her, Kleiman pretended to have left the key to the connecting door - between the front house and the hall near the bookcase - at home.[3] It is remarkable that on the floor below the architect did not see that there was a staircase leading to that hallway. In any case, it does not appear that Wessels had any actual plans for the building. Apparently it was intended as just an investment.
\r\n\r\nDe nieuwe eigenaar Maurits Wessels maakte deel uit van een omvangrijke familie die door een zogenaamde Calmeyer-procedure was 'ontjoodst'.[1] Daardoor kreeg hij de beschikking terug over zijn vermogen en kon hij zijn zaken weer opnemen.[2] In februari kocht hij al enkele panden in de Pijp en in de Kinkerbuurt. Anne Frank noteerde in haar op 27 februari 1943 gedateerde, maar in 1944 herschreven dagboekversie dat op een morgen 'de nieuwe eigenaar' zijn aankoop kwam inspecteren.[3] Als haar datering juist is, was Wessels toen op zijn best aspirant-eigenaar, hij kocht het pand uiteindelijk pas op 22 april 1943.[4]
\r\n\r\nAnne schrijft dat de nieuwe eigenaar samen met een architect en Jo Kleiman het pand bezichtigde. Kleiman veinsde volgens haar lezing de sleutel van de tussendeur - tussen het voorhuis en het halletje bij de boekenkast - thuis te hebben laten liggen.[3] Wel is dan opmerkelijk dat de architect een verdieping lager niet zag dat er een trap naar dat halletje liep. In ieder geval ziet het er niet naar uit dat Wessels concrete plannen met het gebouw had. Kennelijk was het bedoeld als geldbelegging.
\r\n\r\nMaurits Wessels, the new owner, was a member of an extensive family whose registration as Jewish persons had been succesfully removed through a so-called Calmeyer procedure.[1] As a result, he regained control of his assets and was able to resume his business.[2] In February 1943 he already bought several properties in the Pijp and Kinkerbuurt districts. Anne Frank noted in her diary version dated 27 February 1943, but rewritten in 1944, that one morning "the new owner" came to inspect his purchase.[3] If her dating is correct, Wessels was at best an aspiring owner, he ultimately bought the property on 22 April 1943.[4]
\r\n\r\nAnne writes that the new owner viewed the building together with an architect and Jo Kleiman. According to her, Kleiman pretended to have left the key to the connecting door - between the front house and the hall near the bookcase - at home.[3] It is remarkable that on the floor below the architect did not see that there was a staircase leading to that hallway. In any case, it does not appear that Wessels had any actual plans for the building. Apparently it was intended as just an investment.
\r\n\r\nIn late 1943, Margot began a written Latin course through Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI).[1] She took the course under the name Elly Voskuijl.
\r\n\r\nShe chose a pace of one lesson per week, to pay per month in advance, and she wanted to keep the teaching materials afterwards.[2] On 2 November 1943, LOI sent the acknowledgement of receipt of Margot's application.[3] The course lasted about 1 year and cost NLG 7.50 a month.[4]
\r\n
\r\nAnne wrote about this in her diary on 3 November 1943:
"To take our minds off matters as well as develop them, Father ordered a catalog from a correspondence school. Margot pored through the thick brochure three times without finding anything to her liking and within her budget. Father was easier to satisfy and decided to write and ask for a trial lesson in "Elementary Latin". No sooner said than done. The lesson arrived, Margot set to work enthusiastically and decided to take the course, despite the expense. It's much too hard for me, though I'd really like to learn Latin."[1]\r\n\r\n
Anne also writes in her diary that her father 'joined in' with Latin.[5] She also wrote: "The Latin lessons Margot sends in are corrected by a teacher and returned.The teacher, a certain A.C.Nielson is very nice, and witty too. I expect he is glad to have such a clever pupil.'[6]
\r\n
\r\nThe teacher was very appreciative of Margot's work. In subsequent lessons, he wrote comments:
On 10 August 1944, Bep Voskuijl wrote to LOI that she could not continue participating in the course. She requested deregistration.[14] On 14 August 1944, the LOI proposed to Bep that the course be temporarily suspended and possibly resumed at a later stage.[15] On 11 June 1945, Bep wrote to the LOI that the course had actually been for a woman in hiding (Margot).[16]
\r\n
\r\nWhen the diary was published, Otto Frank sent a copy to Margot's Latin teacher at LOI, Mr Nielson: "(...) You took great care with the lessons, which gave great satisfaction to my daughter Margot, even though you did not know the pupil, with whom you corresponded under the name Voskuyl."[17]
\r\n
\r\nNielson replied:
"(...) During the war, hundreds of people in hiding, often in the most remote places, attended our classes. How much good such an institution such as Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen can do has never been more evident than in the years behind us. I keep hundreds of letters from this time as precious reminders of the many lonely and frightened people in hiding, to whom my lessons brought comfort and culture in an often highly unintellectual environment."[18]\r\n\r\n
Eind 1943 begon Margot met een schriftelijke cursus Latijn bij de Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI).[1] Ze volgde de cursus op naam van Elly 'Bep' Voskuijl. Ze koos voor een tempo van een les per week, voor betaling per maand vooruit en ze wilde het lesmateriaal na afloop behouden.[2] Op 2 november 1943 verstuurde LOI de ontvangstbevestiging van Margots aanmelding.[3] De cursus duurde ongeveer 1 jaar en kostte fl 7,50 per maand.[4]
\r\n
\r\nAnne schrijft hierover in haar dagboek op 3 november 1943:
'Om ons wat afleiding en ontwikkeling te bezorgen heeft vader een prospectus van de Leidse onderwijsinstellingen aangevraagd. Margot neusde het dikke boekje wel drie keer door zonder dat ze iets naar haar gading en haar beurs vond. Vader was vlugger voor iets te vinden, hij wilde naar de instelling schrijven en om een proefles ‘Elementair Latijn’ vragen. Zo gezegd, zo gedaan. De les kwam, Margot trok enthousiast aan ’t werk, en de cursus, hoe duur ook, werd genomen. Voor mij is hij veel te moeilijk, hoewel ik erg graag Latijn zou leren.'[1]\r\n\r\n
Ook schrijft Anne in haar dagboek dat haar vader ‘meedoet’ met Latijn.[5] Verder schrijft ze: 'Margots ingestuurde Latijnse lessen worden door een leraar gecorrigeerd teruggezonden. Margot schrijft onder Bep's naam, de leraar, een zekere A.C. Nielson is erg aardig en geestig bovendien. Hij is zeker blij dat hij zo'n knappe leerlinge gekregen heeft.'[6]
\r\n
\r\nDe docent was erg te spreken over Margots werk. Bij de volgende lessen schreef hij opmerkingen:
Op 10 augustus 1944 schreef Bep Voskuijl aan de LOI dat ze niet verder aan de cursus kon deelnemen. Ze verzocht om uitschrijving.[14] De LOI deed Bep 14 augustus 1944 het voorstel de cursus tijdelijk op te schorten en in een later stadium eventueel te hervatten.[15] Op 11 juni 1945 schreef Bep aan de LOI dat de cursus eigenlijk voor een onderduikster (Margot) was.[16]
\r\n
\r\nOtto Frank stuurde bij het verschijnen van het dagboek een exemplaar naar Margots leraar Latijn van de LOI, de heer Neilson: (…) U heeft veel zorg aan de lessen besteed, die aan mijn dochter Margot grote voldoening gaven, ook al kende U de leerlinge niet, met wie u onder de naam Voskuyl correspondeerde.[17]
\r\n
\r\nNielson antwoordt:
'(…) Gedurende de oorlog hebben honderden onderduikers, vaak op de meest afgelegen plaatsen, onze lessen gevolgd. Hoeveel goeds zo’n instituut als de Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen kan doen, is nooit duidelijker gebleken dan in de jaren die achter ons liggen. Honderden brieven uit deze tijd bewaar ik als een kostbare herinnering aan de vele eenzame en angstige onderduikers, aan wie mijn lessen troost en cultuur brachten in een vaak hoogst-onintellectuele omgeving.'[18]\r\n\r\n
In late 1943, Margot began a written Latin course through Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI).[1] She took the course under the name Elly Voskuijl.
\r\n\r\nShe chose a pace of one lesson per week, to pay per month in advance, and she wanted to keep the teaching materials afterwards.[2] On 2 November 1943, LOI sent the acknowledgement of receipt of Margot's application.[3] The course lasted about 1 year and cost NLG 7.50 a month.[4]
\r\n
\r\nAnne wrote about this in her diary on 3 November 1943:
"To take our minds off matters as well as develop them, Father ordered a catalog from a correspondence school. Margot pored through the thick brochure three times without finding anything to her liking and within her budget. Father was easier to satisfy and decided to write and ask for a trial lesson in "Elementary Latin". No sooner said than done. The lesson arrived, Margot set to work enthusiastically and decided to take the course, despite the expense. It's much too hard for me, though I'd really like to learn Latin."[1]\r\n\r\n
Anne also writes in her diary that her father 'joined in' with Latin.[5] She also wrote: "The Latin lessons Margot sends in are corrected by a teacher and returned.The teacher, a certain A.C.Nielson is very nice, and witty too. I expect he is glad to have such a clever pupil.'[6]
\r\n
\r\nThe teacher was very appreciative of Margot's work. In subsequent lessons, he wrote comments:
On 10 August 1944, Bep Voskuijl wrote to LOI that she could not continue participating in the course. She requested deregistration.[14] On 14 August 1944, the LOI proposed to Bep that the course be temporarily suspended and possibly resumed at a later stage.[15] On 11 June 1945, Bep wrote to the LOI that the course had actually been for a woman in hiding (Margot).[16]
\r\n
\r\nWhen the diary was published, Otto Frank sent a copy to Margot's Latin teacher at LOI, Mr Nielson: "(...) You took great care with the lessons, which gave great satisfaction to my daughter Margot, even though you did not know the pupil, with whom you corresponded under the name Voskuyl."[17]
\r\n
\r\nNielson replied:
"(...) During the war, hundreds of people in hiding, often in the most remote places, attended our classes. How much good such an institution such as Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen can do has never been more evident than in the years behind us. I keep hundreds of letters from this time as precious reminders of the many lonely and frightened people in hiding, to whom my lessons brought comfort and culture in an often highly unintellectual environment."[18]\r\n\r\n
Anne Frank's first, red-checked diary (Diary A1) ran until 5 December 1942. Even though it was not full at that point, Anne considered it full and then continued writing in notebooks, with Johannes Kleiman providing the next diary.[1] This diary has been lost - and possibly subsequent diaries as well. The next diary begins on 22 December 1943. On average, a diary covered five months, so it is likely that there were several diaries in between. On 11 November 1943, Anne wrote in the B-version (the A-version is missing here): "When I was thirteen the fountain pen went with me to the Annex, and together we've raced through countless dairies and compositions. I'd turned fourteen and my fountain pen was enjoying the last year of its life with me when .... "[2] From this, one might infer that more than one diary is missing. In the narrative The Dentist, Anne writes about a disinfectant. In a margin note, she notes: "In Dec. I wrote: decificator!"[3] The word 'decificator' cannot be found in the preserved A volumes, which makes it plausible that Anne is referring to an entry in a lost diary.
\r\n\r\nThe surviving diary A2 consists of a black mottled notebook with hard cover. Diary A2 does not connect to diary A1. It shows a gap of one year and begins on Wednesday 22 December 1943: "Dear Kitty, Father has tracked down another diary for me after all, and it is of a respectable thickness, of that, you can, in due course, convince yourself".'[4]
\r\n\r\nAnne wrote until 17 April 1944 in this diary. Diary A3, written in a green mottled notebook with hard cover, begins on 18 April 1944: "Again there has been a treasure who has taken apart a chemistry notebook for me to get me a new diary, this time it is Margot".[5]
\r\n\r\nThe last diary entry of diary A3 dates from 1 August 1944 and was made three days before the arrest of Anne and the other people in hiding.
\r\n\r\nHet eerste, roodgeruite dagboek van Anne Frank (dagboek A1) loopt tot 5 december 1942. Ook al was het toen nog niet volgeschreven, Anne beschouwde het als vol en schreef daarna verder in schriften. Johannes Kleiman zorgde voor het volgende dagboek.[1] Dit dagboek is verloren gegaan - en mogelijk ook daarop volgende dagboeken. Het volgende dagboek begint op 22 december 1943. Gemiddeld beslaat een dagboek vijf maanden, het is dus aannemelijk dat er meerdere dagboeken tussen zitten. Op 11 november 1943 schrijft Anne in de B-versie (de A-versie ontbreekt hier): 'Met 13 ging de vulpen mee naar 't Achterhuis waar hij met mij door talloze dagboeken en geschriften is gerend. Toen ik 14 jaar oud was, was dat het laatste jaar dat m'n vulpen met mij voltooid had (…).' [2] Hieruit zou men kunnen afleiden dat er meer dan een dagboek ontbreekt. In het verhaaltje De tandarts schrijft Anne over een desinfecteermiddel. In een margenotitie noteert ze: 'In Dec. schreef ik: decificeermiddel!'[3] Het woord 'decificeermiddel' is in de bewaarde A-delen niet te vinden, wat aannemelijk maakt dat Anne verwijst naar een verloren dagboekdeel.
\r\n\r\nHet overgeleverde dagboek A2 bestaat uit een zwart gemeleerd schrift met harde kaft. Dagboek A2 sluit niet aan op dagboek A1. Het vertoont een hiaat van een jaar en begint op woensdag 22 december 1943: 'Lieve Kitty, Vader heeft toch weer een nieuw dagboek voor me opgespoord en dat het een respectabele dikte heeft, daar kan, je je ten zijnen tijde zelf van overtuigen.'[4]
\r\n\r\nIn dit dagboek schrijft Anne tot 17 april 1944. Dagboek A3, geschreven in een groen gemeleerd schrift met harde kaft, begint op 18 april 1944: 'Weer is er een schat geweest die een scheikundeschrift voor mij uit elkaar gehaald heeft om me een nieuw dagboek te bezorgen, dit keer is het Margot.'[5]
\r\n\r\nDe laatste dagboeknotitie van dagboek A3 dateert van 1 augustus 1944 en is gemaakt drie dagen voor de arrestatie van Anne en de andere onderduikers.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's first, red-checked diary (Diary A1) ran until 5 December 1942. Even though it was not full at that point, Anne considered it full and then continued writing in notebooks, with Johannes Kleiman providing the next diary.[1] This diary has been lost - and possibly subsequent diaries as well. The next diary begins on 22 December 1943. On average, a diary covered five months, so it is likely that there were several diaries in between. On 11 November 1943, Anne wrote in the B-version (the A-version is missing here): "When I was thirteen the fountain pen went with me to the Annex, and together we've raced through countless dairies and compositions. I'd turned fourteen and my fountain pen was enjoying the last year of its life with me when .... "[2] From this, one might infer that more than one diary is missing. In the narrative The Dentist, Anne writes about a disinfectant. In a margin note, she notes: "In Dec. I wrote: decificator!"[3] The word 'decificator' cannot be found in the preserved A volumes, which makes it plausible that Anne is referring to an entry in a lost diary.
\r\n\r\nThe surviving diary A2 consists of a black mottled notebook with hard cover. Diary A2 does not connect to diary A1. It shows a gap of one year and begins on Wednesday 22 December 1943: "Dear Kitty, Father has tracked down another diary for me after all, and it is of a respectable thickness, of that, you can, in due course, convince yourself".'[4]
\r\n\r\nAnne wrote until 17 April 1944 in this diary. Diary A3, written in a green mottled notebook with hard cover, begins on 18 April 1944: "Again there has been a treasure who has taken apart a chemistry notebook for me to get me a new diary, this time it is Margot".[5]
\r\n\r\nThe last diary entry of diary A3 dates from 1 August 1944 and was made three days before the arrest of Anne and the other people in hiding.
\r\n\r\nIn response to Minister Bolkestein's appeal on 28 March 1944 on Radio Oranje to keep wartime diaries and letters, Anne Frank decided to rewrite her diary into a novel: "Imagine how interesting it would be if I published a novel of the Secret Annex, from the title alone people would think it was a detective novel." [1]
\r\n
\r\nAnne rewrote and edited her diary on loose sheets of duplicator paper. On Saturday 20 May 1944, she wrote: "Dear Kitty, At last after much contemplation I have begun my 'the Secret Annex', in my head it is already as finished as it can be, but in reality it will be a lot slower, if it ever gets finished at all."[2] Anne's rewritten version, known as Version B, ends with the diary entry of 29 March 1944.
\r\n
\r\nRepeatedly, Anne expressed in her diaries that she wanted to publish a novel and become a writer or journalist.[3]
Naar aanleiding van de oproep op 28 maart 1944 van minister Bolkestein op Radio Oranje om dagboeken en brieven uit de oorlogstijd te bewaren, besloot Anne Frank haar dagboek te herschrijven tot een roman: 'Stel je eens voor hoe interessant het zou zijn, als ik een roman van het Achterhuis uit zou geven, aan de titel alleen zouden de mensen denken, dat het een detective-roman was.' [1]
\r\n
\r\nAnne herschreef en redigeerde haar dagboek op losse velletjes doorslag papier. Op zaterdag 20 mei 1944 schrijft zij: 'Lieve Kitty, Eindelijk na heel veel overpeinzingen ben ik dan met m’n "het Achterhuis" begonnen, in m’n hoofd is het al zo ver af als het af kan, maar in werkelijkheid zal het wel heel wat minder gauw gaan, als het al ooit afkomt.'[2] Annes herschreven versie, dat bekend staat als dagboek B, eindigt met de dagboeknotitie van 29 maart 1944.
\r\n
\r\nHerhaaldelijk gaf Anne in haar dagboeken te kennen dat zij een roman wilde uitgeven en dat zij schrijfster of journaliste wilde worden.[3]
In response to Minister Bolkestein's appeal on 28 March 1944 on Radio Oranje to keep wartime diaries and letters, Anne Frank decided to rewrite her diary into a novel: "Imagine how interesting it would be if I published a novel of the Secret Annex, from the title alone people would think it was a detective novel." [1]
\r\n
\r\nAnne rewrote and edited her diary on loose sheets of duplicator paper. On Saturday 20 May 1944, she wrote: "Dear Kitty, At last after much contemplation I have begun my 'the Secret Annex', in my head it is already as finished as it can be, but in reality it will be a lot slower, if it ever gets finished at all."[2] Anne's rewritten version, known as Version B, ends with the diary entry of 29 March 1944.
\r\n
\r\nRepeatedly, Anne expressed in her diaries that she wanted to publish a novel and become a writer or journalist.[3]
After the eight people in hiding were arrested on 4 August 1944, helpers Miep Gies and Bep Voskuijl entered the Secret Annex a day later. In an interview with the television programme Meridiaan on 30 June 1958, Miep Gies described what she found there:
\r\n\r\n'And when we got in there, the chaos was indescribable. The plates were still on the table, there were magazines scattered on the floor, books, newspapers, and then we started looking. I didn't know for what, but we were looking for something, and at one point then I saw the tip of a red checked diary. I said, look Elly [Bep], there's Anne's diary. I'll take that with me. We took it and went downstairs. (...).'[1]\r\n\r\n
Miep Gies kept the diary in her desk drawer. When the warehouse staff went to clear out the Secret Annex, Miep asked them if they came across any loose papers to bring them to her. This is how more pages of Anne's diary were eventually found and kept by Miep to gikve to Anne for when she might return.
\r\n\r\nOn 18 July 1945, Otto Frank discovered that his daughters had died. Not long after, Miep gave Otto his daughter's diary.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe first edition of Het Achterhuis appeared on 25 June 1947.
\r\n\r\nNadat de acht onderduikers op 4 augustus 1944 waren gearresteerd, betraden helpers Miep Gies en Bep Voskuijl een dag later het Achterhuis. Miep Gies vertelde in een interview bij het televisieprogramma "Meridiaan" van 30 juni 1958 wat ze daar aantrof:
\r\n\r\n'En toen we daar binnenkwamen, de chaos, die was onbeschrijflijk. De borden stonden nog op tafel, op de grond lagen tijdschriften verspreid, boeken, kranten, en toen gingen we zoeken. Ja wat dat weet ik niet, maar we zochten iets. En op een gegeven ogenblik toen zag ik het puntje van een rood geruite dagboek. Ik zeg, kijk Elly [Bep], daar heb je het dagboek van Anne. Dat neem ik mee. We hebben dit meegenomen en zijn naar beneden gegaan. (...).'[1]\r\n\r\n
Miep Gies bewaarde het dagboek in haar bureaula. Toen het magazijnpersoneel het Achterhuis ging opruimen, vroeg Miep aan hen of ze als ze losse papieren tegenkwamen die aan haar wilde brengen. Zo werden er uiteindelijk nog meer pagina's van Annes dagboek gevonden en door Miep bewaard om aan Anne te geven mocht ze terugkomen.
\r\n\r\nOp 18 juli 1945 ontdekte Otto Frank dat zijn dochters waren overleden. Niet lang daarna gaf Miep aan Otto het dagboek van zijn dochter.[2]
\r\n\r\nDe eerste uitgave van Het Achterhuis verscheen op 25 juni 1947.
\r\n\r\nAfter the eight people in hiding were arrested on 4 August 1944, helpers Miep Gies and Bep Voskuijl entered the Secret Annex a day later. In an interview with the television programme Meridiaan on 30 June 1958, Miep Gies described what she found there:
\r\n\r\n'And when we got in there, the chaos was indescribable. The plates were still on the table, there were magazines scattered on the floor, books, newspapers, and then we started looking. I didn't know for what, but we were looking for something, and at one point then I saw the tip of a red checked diary. I said, look Elly [Bep], there's Anne's diary. I'll take that with me. We took it and went downstairs. (...).'[1]\r\n\r\n
Miep Gies kept the diary in her desk drawer. When the warehouse staff went to clear out the Secret Annex, Miep asked them if they came across any loose papers to bring them to her. This is how more pages of Anne's diary were eventually found and kept by Miep to gikve to Anne for when she might return.
\r\n\r\nOn 18 July 1945, Otto Frank discovered that his daughters had died. Not long after, Miep gave Otto his daughter's diary.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe first edition of Het Achterhuis appeared on 25 June 1947.
\r\n\r\nOne of the most frequently asked questions about the history of Anne Frank and the inhabitants of the Secret Annex is: Who actually betrayed them? This question continues to intrigue people. The Anne Frank House (AFH) still regularly receives suggestions, usually singling out specific individuals. These suggestions are always taken seriously but so far have not provided useful leads. And, of course, here at the Anne Frank House this question is always present in the background. In recent years, the AFH has made more of a commitment to focus on conducting its own research, so this matter is now part of the Knowledge Centre’s research program.
\r\n\r\nThis investigative report is based on the premise that only one thing can be agreed on with certainty: on 4 August 1944, members of the Sicherheitsdienst or SD (German Security Service) raided the building at 263 Prinsengracht and arrested ten people. It is an assumption – granted a sound one – that this was not a chance occurrence. Obviously, the building had been selected for a reason. Yet, on what information that raid was based and how the SD got that information is still completely unclear. Whether this was a matter of betrayal, committed deliberately or not, is also an assumption. It remains to be seen if an analysis of the available data convincingly supports this decade-old theory. Shortly after the liberation, Otto Frank and the helpers took steps to identify those who might have been responsible for the betrayal. The question of whether betrayal had taken place was not under discussion at that moment. In 1963, after the Austrian “Nazi-hunter” Simon Wiesenthal tracked down the former SS Officer Karl Joseph Silberbauer, the man who had led the raid on the Secret Annex, the assumption of betrayal seemed to be confirmed. Consequently, until now the literature on this subject has always focused on the question of who? It has long been assumed that a betrayer was out there who needed to be found. However, the sobering reality is that to date this avenue of thinking has yielded nothing conclusive.
\r\n\r\nConsidering the above, there is sufficient reason to be receptive to new perspectives and not to exclude other theories. Given what was just presented in the last paragraph, the proposed research question is: Based on what information did the SD raid 263 Prinsengracht on 4 August 1944, and how did it acquire this information? Both existing and previously unknown sources have been consulted to address this question. Earlier studies generally relied on source material from the files of the Centraal Archief van de Bijzondere Rechtspleging or CABR (Central Archives for Special Criminal Jurisdiction). Despite extensive research, no definitive leads have ever been found there, but information in these files can still be very helpful. Therefore, during this study, a lot of data was scrutinized again and compared with previously unknown or untapped sources. This material included police reports from Amsterdam, Zwolle, and Haarlem, as well as records from the judicial authorities in the latter two cities. In addition, the increasing digitization of data from municipal population registers has made it easier to access information and identify how people might be connected. The ongoing historical research done by the Anne Frank House in recent years has provided more understanding as well. These insights have also been applied while re-examining earlier ideas and theories. Of course, in the analysis of all the related data, existing publications were also consulted. Over the years, several books have been released about the betrayal of people in hiding during the wartime occupation and how they were hunted down.[1] Biographies about both Anne and Otto Frank also present different theories about the events leading up to the raid on 4 August 1944.[2] Nonetheless, as the 2003 evaluation conducted by researchers David Barnouw and Gerrold van der Stroom of the NIOD (Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, previously the Dutch Institute for War Documentation) concludes, these theories do not stand up to scrutiny.[3] An overview of the source material used for this investigation – published as well as unpublished – is included at the end of this report.
\r\n\r\nAfter a well-orchestrated media campaign subject to strict embargo rules, a controversial book was launched in January 2022: The betrayal of Anne Frank: a Cold Case Investigation.[4] The Cold Case Team went public with the news that it could identify - with a very high probability the traitor responsible for the raid on the Secret Annex. The name of Jewish civil-law notary Arnold van den Bergh went around the world as the most likely betrayer of Anne Frank and the other occupants the Secret Annex, but there has been so much criticism of this research that it prompted publisher AmboAnthos to withdraw the Dutch version of book from sale.[5]
\r\n\r\nEen van de meest gestelde vragen over de geschiedenis van Anne Frank en het Achterhuis is wel: 'Wie heeft ze nu eigenlijk verraden?' Die kwestie houdt zeer veel mensen bezig. Er komen bij de Anne Frank Stichting (AFS) met zekere regelmaat nog suggesties binnen, doorgaans duidelijk gericht naar individuen. Die suggesties worden altijd serieus bekeken maar leverden tot dusverre geen bruikbare gezichtspunten op. Ook binnen de AFS is het vraagstuk uiteraard altijd sterk aanwezig. Nu de AFS zich de laatste jaren sterker dan voorheen op eigen onderzoek is gaan richten, is deze kwestie in het onderzoeksprogramma opgenomen.
\r\n\r\nHet onderzoek is opgezet vanuit de gedachte dat er maar één ding vaststaat: er is op 4 augustus 1944 een inval van leden van de Sicherheitsdienst (SD) in het pand Prinsengracht 263 geweest, en daarbij zijn tien personen gearresteerd. Het is een aanname – hoewel een veilige – dat dit geen toevalstreffer was. Men had het wel degelijk op dit pand gemunt. Op grond van welke kennis de inval gebeurde, en hoe de SD daaraan kwam is echter volstrekt onduidelijk. Dat het een kwestie was van verraad, al dan niet welbewust en doelgericht gepleegd, is eveneens een aanname. Het zal moeten blijken in hoeverre analyse van de beschikbare gegevens deze overtuigend steunt. Kort na de bevrijding zetten Otto Frank en de helpers stappen om de opsporing te bevorderen van degene die voor het verraad verantwoordelijk zou zijn. De vraag of er wel werkelijk verraad plaatsvond stond niet merkbaar ter discussie. Nadat ‘nazi-jager’ Simon Wiesenthal in 1963 de ex-SS’er Karl Joseph Silberbauer opspoorde, de man die de inval in het Achterhuis leidde, leek de aanname van verraad bevestigd. In de literatuur over het onderwerp tot nu toe was de vraagstelling dan ook steeds gericht op ‘wie?’ Dat er gezocht moest worden naar een daadwerkelijke verrader stond daarbij op voorhand vast. De ontnuchterende conclusie is dat die aanpak tot op heden geen betrouwbare resultaten opleverde.
\r\n\r\nHet voorgaande geeft voldoende aanleiding om het blikveld te verruimen en andere mogelijkheden niet bij voorbaat uit te sluiten. Uitgaande van wat in de vorige paragraaf naar voren is gebracht luidt daarom de vraagstelling: op grond van welke informatie viel de SD het pand Prinsengracht 263 op 4 augustus 1944 binnen, en hoe kwamen ze daaraan? Om deze vraag te beantwoorden is gebruik gemaakt van bekend en tot dusver onbekend materiaal. Oudere onderzoeken baseerden zich doorgaans op bronnen die zich bevinden in de dossiers van het Centraal Archief van de Bijzondere Rechtspleging (CABR). Ondanks zeer uitvoerig onderzoek zijn hier nooit duidelijke aanwijzingen aangetroffen. Desondanks zijn gegevens uit deze dossiers uiteraard van groot belang. In dit onderzoek zijn veel gegevens daarom opnieuw bekeken en vergeleken met voorheen onbekende of onbenutte bronnen. Hiertoe behoren rapporten van de politiekorpsen van Amsterdam, Zwolle en Haarlem, en stukken van justitiële autoriteiten in de laatste twee steden. Met behulp van steeds vaker gedigitaliseerde gegevens uit de bevolkingsadministratie konden bovendien netwerken beter in kaart worden gebracht. Het lopend historisch onderzoek van de Anne Frank Stichting leverde de afgelopen jaren scherpere inzichten op. Deze zijn gebruikt om oudere denkbeelden en theorieën tegen het licht te houden. Bij het analyseren van alle gegevens is vanzelfsprekend ook gebruik gemaakt van de bestaande literatuur. Over verraad van onderduikers en andere vormen van mensenjacht verschenen in de loop van de tijd verschillende boeken.[1] In biografieën over zowel Anne als Otto Frank zijn eveneens verschillende theorieën ontvouwd over het voortraject van de inval van 4 augustus.[2] Deze bleven evenwel onbewezen, zoals een evaluatie van de onderzoekers David Barnouw en Gerrold van der Stroom van het NIOD (destijds Nederlands Instituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie) uit 2003 aantoont.[3] Een overzicht van al het gebruikte materiaal, gepubliceerd en ongepubliceerd, is aan dit verslag toegevoegd.
\r\n\r\nIn januari 2022 werd met een strak geregiseerde mediacampagne een geruchtmakend boek gelanceerd: Het verraad van Anne Frank: het baanbrekende onderzoek van een internationaal Cold Case|Team in Nederland.[4] Het zogenaame Cold Case Team kwam naar buiten met het nieuws dat het met een zeer grote waarschijnlijkheid de verrader kon aanwijzen die verantwoordelijk was voor de inval in het Achterhuis. De naam van de Joodse notaris Arnold van den Bergh ging de hele wereld over als de meest waarschijnlijke verrader van Anne Frank en de andere bewoners van het Achterhuis, maar er kwam zo veel kritiek op dit onderzoek dat de uitgever AmboAnthos besloot de Nederlandse versie van het boek uit de handel te nemen.[5]
\r\n\r\nOne of the most frequently asked questions about the history of Anne Frank and the inhabitants of the Secret Annex is: Who actually betrayed them? This question continues to intrigue people. The Anne Frank House (AFH) still regularly receives suggestions, usually singling out specific individuals. These suggestions are always taken seriously but so far have not provided useful leads. And, of course, here at the Anne Frank House this question is always present in the background. In recent years, the AFH has made more of a commitment to focus on conducting its own research, so this matter is now part of the Knowledge Centre’s research program.
\r\n\r\nThis investigative report is based on the premise that only one thing can be agreed on with certainty: on 4 August 1944, members of the Sicherheitsdienst or SD (German Security Service) raided the building at 263 Prinsengracht and arrested ten people. It is an assumption – granted a sound one – that this was not a chance occurrence. Obviously, the building had been selected for a reason. Yet, on what information that raid was based and how the SD got that information is still completely unclear. Whether this was a matter of betrayal, committed deliberately or not, is also an assumption. It remains to be seen if an analysis of the available data convincingly supports this decade-old theory. Shortly after the liberation, Otto Frank and the helpers took steps to identify those who might have been responsible for the betrayal. The question of whether betrayal had taken place was not under discussion at that moment. In 1963, after the Austrian “Nazi-hunter” Simon Wiesenthal tracked down the former SS Officer Karl Joseph Silberbauer, the man who had led the raid on the Secret Annex, the assumption of betrayal seemed to be confirmed. Consequently, until now the literature on this subject has always focused on the question of who? It has long been assumed that a betrayer was out there who needed to be found. However, the sobering reality is that to date this avenue of thinking has yielded nothing conclusive.
\r\n\r\nConsidering the above, there is sufficient reason to be receptive to new perspectives and not to exclude other theories. Given what was just presented in the last paragraph, the proposed research question is: Based on what information did the SD raid 263 Prinsengracht on 4 August 1944, and how did it acquire this information? Both existing and previously unknown sources have been consulted to address this question. Earlier studies generally relied on source material from the files of the Centraal Archief van de Bijzondere Rechtspleging or CABR (Central Archives for Special Criminal Jurisdiction). Despite extensive research, no definitive leads have ever been found there, but information in these files can still be very helpful. Therefore, during this study, a lot of data was scrutinized again and compared with previously unknown or untapped sources. This material included police reports from Amsterdam, Zwolle, and Haarlem, as well as records from the judicial authorities in the latter two cities. In addition, the increasing digitization of data from municipal population registers has made it easier to access information and identify how people might be connected. The ongoing historical research done by the Anne Frank House in recent years has provided more understanding as well. These insights have also been applied while re-examining earlier ideas and theories. Of course, in the analysis of all the related data, existing publications were also consulted. Over the years, several books have been released about the betrayal of people in hiding during the wartime occupation and how they were hunted down.[1] Biographies about both Anne and Otto Frank also present different theories about the events leading up to the raid on 4 August 1944.[2] Nonetheless, as the 2003 evaluation conducted by researchers David Barnouw and Gerrold van der Stroom of the NIOD (Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, previously the Dutch Institute for War Documentation) concludes, these theories do not stand up to scrutiny.[3] An overview of the source material used for this investigation – published as well as unpublished – is included at the end of this report.
\r\n\r\nAfter a well-orchestrated media campaign subject to strict embargo rules, a controversial book was launched in January 2022: The betrayal of Anne Frank: a Cold Case Investigation.[4] The Cold Case Team went public with the news that it could identify - with a very high probability the traitor responsible for the raid on the Secret Annex. The name of Jewish civil-law notary Arnold van den Bergh went around the world as the most likely betrayer of Anne Frank and the other occupants the Secret Annex, but there has been so much criticism of this research that it prompted publisher AmboAnthos to withdraw the Dutch version of book from sale.[5]
\r\n\r\nStaying unnoticed in the Secret Annex was threatened in several ways. Besides the chance that unwitting visitors or neighbours of the building might notice something, there was the possibility of burglars, fire in or near the building, light escaping and airborne threats. The people in hiding and the helpers were very alert to risky situations and did a lot to avoid risks.
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne repeatedly expressed her fear of outsiders in the building. In some cases these were strangers, but certainly not always. The sales representatives, pharmacist Arthur Lewinsohn, the accountant and some warehouse men were more or less acquaintances. The plumber, the cleaner, the carpenter and the other warehouse men were strangers to the people in hiding - as far as we know. The acquaintances also posed a threat in Anne's eyes. There was unease when Ans Broks said that she wanted to come to the office for coffee every day at two o'clock.[1] From time to time, Anne's diary provides clues showing that the people in hiding also took into account the possibility that people living or working in neighbouring premises would discover their presence.
\r\n\r\nOne morning, when Peter van Pels had forgotten to open the bolt on the inside of the street door, Victor Kugler and the warehousemen could not get in. Kugler had to go through the premises of wholesaler Keg on Prinsengracht 265 and only just managed to prevent one of the neighbours from climbing in via a ladder.[2]
\r\n\r\nSeveral break-ins and attempted break-ins are referred to in Anne's diaries and narratives. Brother and sister Wijnberg, who lived at Prinsengracht 251 during the period in hiding, said in an interview that they had been in the building as children on 24 March 1943 and had stolen muscatel nuts there.[3] Anne writes a day later about her first encounter with the phenomenon of burglars.[4] The break-in of 9 April 1944 is also confirmed by a police report, when the passing night watchman Martonus Slegers noticed the kicked-in door.[5] The B-version mentions a burglary on the night of 15-16 July 1943. According to the same passage, there had also been an unsuccessful attempt six weeks earlier.[6] In the A-version, Anne writes about a thief who may have entered with a false key, or at least nothing could be seen on the outside door.[7]
\r\n\r\nThe wider area, of course, also had to deal with crime. At Keg at Prinsengracht 265, police reports do not reveal any burglaries during the hiding period, but according to the 1963 official report of the National Criminal Investigation Department, there were burglaries. According to the State Investigation Department, by necessity, staff were even regularly present at night.[8] The daughter of branch manager Jacob Boon knew that her father spent the night in his office more than once during the war years.[9] In the night of 7-8 April 1943, burglars broke into Elhoek furniture factory at number 261 and stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter.[10] In November 1941, a coin meter of the Municipal Energy Company (GEB) had also been emptied there.[11] A few years earlier, the contents of a coin meter in the later Opekta premises had also been stolen by burglars.[12] Given GEB's policy in the 'small business' market, it was highly plausible that that meter had stayed behind after Opekta's arrival in the late 1940s.[13] Theft from coin meters was a very common phenomenon. So the presence of such meters certainly posed an additional risk.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman and Victor Kugler reported no burglaries or thefts on their premises during the period in hiding, as far as can be verified. Then, in January 1945, Johan Broks - Kugler was still in prison at the time - reported the theft of seventy kilos of sugar from Gies & Co.[14]
\r\n\r\nBuilding plans for Elhoek's premises at Prinsengracht 261, made in June 1940, show that people there were working with flammable materials and techniques, as they included extensive recommendations on self-closing doors, escape routes and a fire-extinguishing riser.[15] In the Opekta premises, fire hazards were also taken into account. A few months before going into hiding, there was a small fire when packaging material lying too close to a stove caught fire.[16] There were 'Minimax' appliances in several places. One was mounted on the landing in front of the bookcase. That location was 'peripheral' from a company point of view, and might have been chosen with the people in hiding in mind: outside the bookcase, allowing periodic maintenance to take place without problems - at least in theory. In the B-version of the diary, Anne writes, with the date 20 October 1942, that they 'got' these devices in the house, which she later changes to 'have'. It is therefore possible that they were fitted in the autumn of 1942, but there is no clarity on this.
\r\n\r\nDue to war conditions, strict blackout measures applied. Users of residential and other buildings were obliged to take measures to prevent light escaping between sunset and sunrise. In winter, curtains had to remain closed for up to 14 hours a day.[17] Police and Air Protection were quick to take action against violators. In the evening of 4 March 1941, officers kicked in the entrance door of the Opekta premises because a light was on in the hall.[18] Of course, when the period of hiding began, the people in hiding and helpers had not yet forgotten this. Anne's writings often refer to the closing and opening of the blackout curtains.[19] During the 1958 restoration, many window frames were replaced. However, some original frames from the Van Pels room are still in the museum collection, and the added constructions for blackout curtains are still attached.[20]
\r\n\r\nAnne's frequent comments on shots, sirens and alarms have been compared, where possible, with the air hazard reports preserved in the Amsterdam police archives. A few significant instances of 'air hazard' are shown here.
\r\n\r\nIn the event of an air siren, everyone was obliged to go to the nearest shelter or otherwise take cover. "If the air siren sounds [...] get off the streets!", Nieuws van den Dag, 13 September 1940. On the morning of 6 July 1942, there was no air siren, which would have meant a serious complication for the Franks on their way to Prinsengracht.
\r\n\r\nStarting on 10 July 1943, Rauter introduced an 'pre-alarm', which indicated that Allied aircraft were entering Dutch airspace without any immediate bomb attacks being expected. The alert was designated an 'air hazard warning'.[21] A week or two later, Anne mentions the use of this pre-alarm in the B-version when she writes about the air attacks on the Fokker factory in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] The repeated alarms she lists in her retrospectively written B note that day correspond to the alarms noted by the police in their register.[23] This makes it plausible that she used her original - and vanished - notes from July 1943 for this B note.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, a bomber crashed into a school in Spaarndammerstraat, less than one and a half kilometres from the Secret Annex.[24] During the air battle Anne witnessed on 3 May 1944, a plane crashed in Van Bossestraat.[25] This was also a short distance from the Secret Annex. Planes also crashed in Tuindorp Oostzaan and Grote IJpolder that day.[26] Finally, a plane also crashed into the Carlton Hotel at the end of April.[25]
\r\n\r\nRelated to the dangers from the air and from anti-aircraft guns was the threat of acts of war and evacuations in the west of the Netherlands. Anne writes at length in early 1944 about the discussions between the people in hiding and the helpers when this danger threatened to take concrete forms.[27]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were very concerned with their safety. They had all kinds of agreements and arrangements to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Although compliance slackened from time to time, they kept them reasonably well. Neither they nor the people helping them had any control over some dangers: there was obviously nothing they could have done about falling bombs or crashing aircraft. There are no reasons to suspect that laxity or underestimation of security measures contributed to their eventual arrest.
\r\n\r\nHet onopgemerkte verblijf in het Achterhuis werd op verschillende manieren bedreigd. Naast de kans dat onwetende bezoekers of omwonenden van het pand iets merkten, was er nog de kans op inbrekers, brand in of bij het gebouw, lichtuitstraling en luchtgevaar. Onderduikers en helpers waren zeer alert op riskante situaties en deden er veel aan om risico’s te vermijden.
\r\n\r\nVooral in de beginperiode kwam Annes angst voor buitenstaanders in het gebouw herhaaldelijk tot uitdrukking. In sommige gevallen waren dit vreemden, maar zeker niet altijd. De vertegenwoordigers, apotheker Arthus Lewinsohn, de accountant en sommige pakhuismannen waren min of meer bekenden. De loodgieter, de werkster, de timmerman en de andere pakhuismannen waren voor de onderduikers – voor zover we weten – onbekenden. Ook de bekenden vormden in Annes ogen een bedreiging. Er ontstond onrust toen Ans Broks te kennen gaf dat ze elke dag om twee uur op kantoor koffie wilde komen drinken.[1] Annes dagboek geeft af en toe aanwijzingen waaruit blijkt dat de onderduikers eveneens rekening hielden met de mogelijkheid dat mensen die in de buurpanden woonden of werkten hun aanwezigheid zouden ontdekken.
\r\n\r\nToen op een ochtend Peter van Pels was vergeten de grendel aan de binnenkant van de straatdeur te halen, konden Victor Kugler en de magazijnmannen niet naar binnen. Kugler moest via het pand van groothandel Keg op de Prinsengracht 265 en kon maar op het nippertje voorkomen dat een van de buren langs een ladder naar binnen klom.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn Annes dagboeken en verhaaltjes komen verschillende inbraken en pogingen daartoe voor. Broer en zus Wijnberg, die tijdens de onderduikperiode op Prinsengracht 251 woonden, vertelden in een interview dat ze op 24 maart 1943 als kind in het pand geweest waren en dat ze daar muskaatnoten hadden weggenomen.[3] Anne schrijft een dag later over haar eerste kennismaking met het fenomeen inbrekers.[4] De inbraak van 9 april 1944 wordt ook door een politierapport bevestigd, en wel doordat de passerende nachtwaker Martinus Slegers de ingetrapte deur opmerkte.[5] De B-versie vermeldt in de nacht van 15 op 16 juli 1943 een inbraak. Volgens diezelfde notitie was er zes weken eerder ook al een mislukte poging geweest.[6] In de A-versie schrijft Anne over een dief die mogelijk met een valse sleutel binnenkwam, althans er was aan de buitendeur niets te zien.[7]
\r\n\r\nDe wijdere omgeving kreeg uiteraard eveneens met criminaliteit te maken. Bij Keg op de Prinsengracht 265 zijn uit de politierapporten geen inbraken tijdens de onderduikperiode bekend, maar volgens het proces-verbaal van de Rijksrecherche uit 1963 zijn die er wel geweest. Volgens de Rijksrecherche was het personeel noodgedwongen zelfs geregeld ’s nachts aanwezig.[8] De dochter van filiaalchef Jacob Boon wist dat haar vader in de oorlogsjaren meer dan eens in zijn kantoor overnachtte.[9] In de nacht van 7 op 8 april 1943 drongen insluipers bij meubelfabriek Elhoek op nummer 261 binnen en stalen daar zeshonderd gulden en een schrijfmachine.[10] In november 1941 was daar ook al eens een muntmeter van het Gemeentelijk Energiebedrijf (GEB) leeggehaald.[11] Enkele jaren eerder was ook in het latere Opekta-pand de inhoud van een muntmeter door inbrekers gestolen.[12] Gezien het beleid van het GEB in de ‘klein-zakelijke’ markt was het zeer aannemelijk dat die meter na de komst van Opekta eind 1940 was blijven hangen.[13] Diefstal uit muntmeters was een zeer veel voorkomend verschijnsel. De aanwezigheid van zulke meters leverde dus zeker een extra risico op.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman en Victor Kugler maakten tijdens de onderduikperiode, voor zover na te gaan, geen melding van inbraken en diefstallen in hun pand. Daarna, in januari 1945, gaf Johan Broks - Kugler zat dan nog gevangen - namens Gies & Co. de diefstal van zeventig kilo suiker aan.[14]
\r\n\r\nBouwplannen voor het pand van Elhoek op Prinsengracht 261, gemaakt in juni 1940, tonen dat men daar met brandgevaarlijke materialen en technieken werkte, daar er uitgebreide adviezen omtrent zelfsluitende deuren, vluchtwegen en een brandblusleiding in waren opgenomen.[15] In het Opekta-pand werd ook rekening gehouden met brandgevaar. Een paar maanden voor de onderduik was er een klein brandje, toen verpakkingsmateriaal dat te dicht bij een kachel lag vlam vatte.[16] Er bevonden zich op verschillende plaatsen zogenaamde Minimax-toestellen. Een ervan hing op het overloopje voor de boekenkast. Die locatie was vanuit bedrijfsoogpunt ‘perifeer’, en zou met het oog op de onderduikers kunnen zijn gekozen: buiten de boekenkast, waardoor periodiek onderhoud – althans in theorie – probleemloos kon gebeuren. In de B-versie van het dagboek schrijft Anne, met de datum 20 oktober 1942, dat ze deze toestellen in huis ‘krijgen’, wat ze later wijzigt in ‘hebben’. Mogelijk zijn deze dus in de herfst van 1942 aangebracht, maar duidelijkheid is daar niet over.
\r\n\r\nVanwege de oorlogsomstandigheden golden er strikte verduisteringsmaatregelen. Gebruikers van woonhuizen en andere gebouwen waren verplicht maatregelen te treffen die tussen zonsondergang en zonsopgang lichtuitstraling moesten voorkomen. In de winter moesten de gordijnen tot veertien uur per etmaal gesloten blijven.[17] Optreden van politie en Luchtbescherming tegen overtreders was aan de orde van de dag. In de avond van 4 maart 1941 trapten agenten de toegangsdeur van het Opekta-pand in omdat in de hal een lamp brandde.[18] Toen de onderduik begon, ware onderduikers en helpers dat uiteraard nog niet vergeten. Het ver- en ontduisteren is in Annes geschriften herhaaldelijk aanwezig.[19] Tijdens de restauratie van 1958 zijn veel raamkozijnen vervangen. Van de Van Pels-kamer zijn enkele originelen echter nog in de museale collectie aanwezig en de hulpconstructies voor de verduistering zitten er nog aan.[20]
\r\n\r\nDe regelmatig terugkerende opmerkingen van Anne over schieten, sirenes en alarmeringen zijn waar mogelijk vergeleken met de luchtgevaarmeldingen die in het Amsterdamse politiearchief zijn bewaard. Een aantal in het oog lopende gevallen van ‘luchtgevaar’ is hier weergegeven.
\r\n\r\nIn geval van luchtalarm is een ieder verplicht naar de dichtstbijzijnde schuilkelder te gaan of op andere wijze dekking te zoeken.“Bij luchtalarm [...] van de straat!”, Nieuws van den Dag, 13 september 1940. In de ochtend van 6 juli 1942 is er geen luchtalarm, wat voor de Franks op weg naar de Prinsengracht een ernstige complicatie zou hebben betekend.
\r\n\r\nMet ingang van 10 juli 1943 introduceerde Rauter een ‘vooralarm’, dat aangaf dat geallieerde vliegtuigen het Nederlandse luchtruim binnenkwamen zonder dat direct bomaanvallen waren te verwachten. Het signaal droeg de benaming “waarschuwing luchtgevaar”.[21] Een week of twee later noemt Anne in de B-versie het gebruik van dit vooralarm als ze schrijft over de luchtaanvallen op de Fokker-fabriek in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] De herhaaldelijke alarmeringen die ze die dag in haar in retrospectief geschreven B-notitie opsomt, stemmen overeen met de alarmeringen die de politie in haar register noteert.[23] Dat maakt aannemelijk dat ze voor deze B-notitie haar originele - en verdwenen - notities uit juli ’43 gebruikte.
\r\n\r\nIn maart 1944 kwam een bommenwerper neer op een school in de Spaarndammerstraat, op nog geen anderhalve kilometer van het Achterhuis.[24] Tijdens het luchtgevecht waar Anne op 3 mei 1944 getuige van was, stortte een vliegtuig in de Van Bossestraat neer.[25] Dit was ook op korte afstand van het Achterhuis. Ook in Tuindorp Oostzaan en de Grote IJpolder kwamen die dag vliegtuigen neer.[26] Ten slotte stortte er eind april ook nog een vliegtuig neer op het Carlton Hotel.[25]
\r\n\r\nVerwant aan de gevaren vanuit de lucht en van afweergeschut was de dreiging van oorlogshandelingen en evacuaties in het westen van Nederland. Anne schrijft begin ‘44 uitvoerig over de discussies tussen onderduikers en helpers als dit gevaar concrete vormen dreigt aan te nemen.[27]
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers waeen erg bezig met hun veiligheid. Ze hadden allerlei afspraken en regelingen om te voorkomen dat ze de aandacht op zich zouden vestigen. Hoewel het handhaven af en toe verslapte, hielden ze zich daar redelijk aan. Op sommige gevaren hadden zij noch de helpers enige invloed: tegen vallende bommen of neerstortende vliegtuigen was uiteraard geen kruid gewassen. Er zijn geen redenen om te vermoeden dat laksheid of onderschatting van de veiligheidsmaatregelen aan de uiteindelijke arrestatie hebben bijgedragen.
\r\n\r\nStaying unnoticed in the Secret Annex was threatened in several ways. Besides the chance that unwitting visitors or neighbours of the building might notice something, there was the possibility of burglars, fire in or near the building, light escaping and airborne threats. The people in hiding and the helpers were very alert to risky situations and did a lot to avoid risks.
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne repeatedly expressed her fear of outsiders in the building. In some cases these were strangers, but certainly not always. The sales representatives, pharmacist Arthur Lewinsohn, the accountant and some warehouse men were more or less acquaintances. The plumber, the cleaner, the carpenter and the other warehouse men were strangers to the people in hiding - as far as we know. The acquaintances also posed a threat in Anne's eyes. There was unease when Ans Broks said that she wanted to come to the office for coffee every day at two o'clock.[1] From time to time, Anne's diary provides clues showing that the people in hiding also took into account the possibility that people living or working in neighbouring premises would discover their presence.
\r\n\r\nOne morning, when Peter van Pels had forgotten to open the bolt on the inside of the street door, Victor Kugler and the warehousemen could not get in. Kugler had to go through the premises of wholesaler Keg on Prinsengracht 265 and only just managed to prevent one of the neighbours from climbing in via a ladder.[2]
\r\n\r\nSeveral break-ins and attempted break-ins are referred to in Anne's diaries and narratives. Brother and sister Wijnberg, who lived at Prinsengracht 251 during the period in hiding, said in an interview that they had been in the building as children on 24 March 1943 and had stolen muscatel nuts there.[3] Anne writes a day later about her first encounter with the phenomenon of burglars.[4] The break-in of 9 April 1944 is also confirmed by a police report, when the passing night watchman Martonus Slegers noticed the kicked-in door.[5] The B-version mentions a burglary on the night of 15-16 July 1943. According to the same passage, there had also been an unsuccessful attempt six weeks earlier.[6] In the A-version, Anne writes about a thief who may have entered with a false key, or at least nothing could be seen on the outside door.[7]
\r\n\r\nThe wider area, of course, also had to deal with crime. At Keg at Prinsengracht 265, police reports do not reveal any burglaries during the hiding period, but according to the 1963 official report of the National Criminal Investigation Department, there were burglaries. According to the State Investigation Department, by necessity, staff were even regularly present at night.[8] The daughter of branch manager Jacob Boon knew that her father spent the night in his office more than once during the war years.[9] In the night of 7-8 April 1943, burglars broke into Elhoek furniture factory at number 261 and stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter.[10] In November 1941, a coin meter of the Municipal Energy Company (GEB) had also been emptied there.[11] A few years earlier, the contents of a coin meter in the later Opekta premises had also been stolen by burglars.[12] Given GEB's policy in the 'small business' market, it was highly plausible that that meter had stayed behind after Opekta's arrival in the late 1940s.[13] Theft from coin meters was a very common phenomenon. So the presence of such meters certainly posed an additional risk.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman and Victor Kugler reported no burglaries or thefts on their premises during the period in hiding, as far as can be verified. Then, in January 1945, Johan Broks - Kugler was still in prison at the time - reported the theft of seventy kilos of sugar from Gies & Co.[14]
\r\n\r\nBuilding plans for Elhoek's premises at Prinsengracht 261, made in June 1940, show that people there were working with flammable materials and techniques, as they included extensive recommendations on self-closing doors, escape routes and a fire-extinguishing riser.[15] In the Opekta premises, fire hazards were also taken into account. A few months before going into hiding, there was a small fire when packaging material lying too close to a stove caught fire.[16] There were 'Minimax' appliances in several places. One was mounted on the landing in front of the bookcase. That location was 'peripheral' from a company point of view, and might have been chosen with the people in hiding in mind: outside the bookcase, allowing periodic maintenance to take place without problems - at least in theory. In the B-version of the diary, Anne writes, with the date 20 October 1942, that they 'got' these devices in the house, which she later changes to 'have'. It is therefore possible that they were fitted in the autumn of 1942, but there is no clarity on this.
\r\n\r\nDue to war conditions, strict blackout measures applied. Users of residential and other buildings were obliged to take measures to prevent light escaping between sunset and sunrise. In winter, curtains had to remain closed for up to 14 hours a day.[17] Police and Air Protection were quick to take action against violators. In the evening of 4 March 1941, officers kicked in the entrance door of the Opekta premises because a light was on in the hall.[18] Of course, when the period of hiding began, the people in hiding and helpers had not yet forgotten this. Anne's writings often refer to the closing and opening of the blackout curtains.[19] During the 1958 restoration, many window frames were replaced. However, some original frames from the Van Pels room are still in the museum collection, and the added constructions for blackout curtains are still attached.[20]
\r\n\r\nAnne's frequent comments on shots, sirens and alarms have been compared, where possible, with the air hazard reports preserved in the Amsterdam police archives. A few significant instances of 'air hazard' are shown here.
\r\n\r\nIn the event of an air siren, everyone was obliged to go to the nearest shelter or otherwise take cover. "If the air siren sounds [...] get off the streets!", Nieuws van den Dag, 13 September 1940. On the morning of 6 July 1942, there was no air siren, which would have meant a serious complication for the Franks on their way to Prinsengracht.
\r\n\r\nStarting on 10 July 1943, Rauter introduced an 'pre-alarm', which indicated that Allied aircraft were entering Dutch airspace without any immediate bomb attacks being expected. The alert was designated an 'air hazard warning'.[21] A week or two later, Anne mentions the use of this pre-alarm in the B-version when she writes about the air attacks on the Fokker factory in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] The repeated alarms she lists in her retrospectively written B note that day correspond to the alarms noted by the police in their register.[23] This makes it plausible that she used her original - and vanished - notes from July 1943 for this B note.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, a bomber crashed into a school in Spaarndammerstraat, less than one and a half kilometres from the Secret Annex.[24] During the air battle Anne witnessed on 3 May 1944, a plane crashed in Van Bossestraat.[25] This was also a short distance from the Secret Annex. Planes also crashed in Tuindorp Oostzaan and Grote IJpolder that day.[26] Finally, a plane also crashed into the Carlton Hotel at the end of April.[25]
\r\n\r\nRelated to the dangers from the air and from anti-aircraft guns was the threat of acts of war and evacuations in the west of the Netherlands. Anne writes at length in early 1944 about the discussions between the people in hiding and the helpers when this danger threatened to take concrete forms.[27]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were very concerned with their safety. They had all kinds of agreements and arrangements to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Although compliance slackened from time to time, they kept them reasonably well. Neither they nor the people helping them had any control over some dangers: there was obviously nothing they could have done about falling bombs or crashing aircraft. There are no reasons to suspect that laxity or underestimation of security measures contributed to their eventual arrest.
\r\n\r\nOnce in hiding in the Secret Annex, many lines of communication with people's former lives were cut off. They were very dependent on people outside, and supplies of all kinds of necessities of life went through the helpers. News from outside, reports about the old neighbourhood, newspapers and the like also came in through them. There was also the radio. Messages from the BBC and Radio Oranje were very important for the morale of the people in hiding. One very important broadcast, though, in retrospect, was Minister Gerrit Bolkestein's speech on 28 March 1944. Anne had been keeping a diary for some time by then. That night, however, she heard Bolkestein say:
\r\n\r\n'It [= the Dutch government in London] envisages the establishment of a national centre, where all the historical material concerning these years will be brought together, edited and published [...] If posterity is to fully realise what we as a people have endured and overcome in these years, we need precisely the simple pieces: a diary, letters from a worker in Germany, [...] ministers' sermons.'[1]\r\n\r\n
It was this speech that gave her the idea of writing 'a novel of the Secret Annex'.[2] This is what she began on 20 May 1944.[3] Her book, as we know, was later published in edited form and became world-famous. So this could be called a very essential contact with the outside world.
\r\n\r\nAfter the Franks moved into the Secret Annex, the only people they had direct contact with were the helpers, supplemented by Mrs Kleiman[4] and Bep Voskuijl's father. They provided direct information because they were aware of all kinds of news and had access to the mainstream and underground press. For example, Johannes Kleiman told Anne that the fire brigade had deliberately increased the damage when extinguishing the fire at the Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages with a lot of extinguishing water.[5]
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler brought newspapers and magazines, such as Haagsche Post, Das Reich and Cinema & Theater.[6] Anne was interested in film and music, and noted in her diary that Bep Voskuijl went to performances by Thelma van Breemen and Evelyn Künneke.[7] She also mentioned concerts by Handel and Mozart that the radio broadcast.[8]
\r\n\r\nAnne often based her reflections on the state of affairs in the Netherlands and Amsterdam in 1944 on newspaper reports. She read and wrote about burglaries, missing persons, juvenile crime and vandalism.[9] Many such reports appeared in various newspapers. In the diary, Anne referred to reports and accompanying poems by Clinge Doorenbos from De Telegraaf, such as the case of the cat beaten to death in Hilversum.[10] The Normandy map also came from De Telegraaf.[11] Furthermore, 'Gies, Prinsengr. 263' placed a 'Speurder' classified advertisement in the newspaper looking to purchase a camera.[12] The advert also appeared in the Haagsche Post on 6 February. Although there are no explicit mentions of it, it appears that De Telegraaf was also read in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nBesides the helpers and the newspapers they brought, the radio was an important source of information. Anne describes the radio as a 'courage-keeping source'.[13] In September 1942, she writes about listening to German radio.[14] After Kugler was forced to hand in the large radio from the private office,[15] a 'baby radio' from Kleiman arrived in the Secret Annex.[16] Hermann van Pels heard about the fall of Mussolini around this time, possibly through this little radio.[17]
\r\n\r\nAs time progressed, the people in the Secret Annex closely followed the battle on the Eastern Front. After D-Day, optimism rose,[18] and, using the Normandy map, they kept track of Allied progress. Several notes reveal that they also had access to information from underground sources. This explains how Anne was able to relate that there was supposedly a football match between military police and people in hiding, and that the Hilversum distribution service held consultation hours for people in hiding.[19] The first report is from Trouw,[20] the source of the second is unknown. Although people had been arrested at that service in late 1943, nothing is known about such consulting hours. In May 1944, she writes about plans for concentration camps in New Guinea.[21] The plan to intern NSB members on New Guinea was put forward in Het Parool just under a year earlier.[22] It is not clear whether the people in the Secret Annex had heard about this from a magazine, from the radio or heard it from the helpers.
\r\n\r\nFor the first few months, it was mainly Miep who brought reports about their former living surroundings. She recounted the scenes that accompanied the round-ups. Miep Gies brought reports of a search of her foster parents' home and how people were picked up from her neighbourhood.[23] When Anne writes about the fate of the Goslars and other acquaintances from Amsterdam-Zuid,[24] it is usually on the basis of this intelligence. Bep, who, although living with her aunt on Da Costakade during that period,[25] still came home a lot, was able to inform them that Anne's classmate Betty Bloemendal from Reinier Claeszenstraat had also been deported to Poland.[26] When Fritz Pfeffer came in November 1942, he knew the current state of affairs regarding the round-up of Jews in Amsterdam-Zuid.[27]
\r\n\r\nKleiman had business correspondence with Erich Elias in Basel during the hiding period. He seemed to convey in veiled terms that everything was going reasonably well and inquired about the family there.[28] Thus, information seeped through about the state of affairs there, for example about Buddy's 'Künstler-neigungen'.[29] Alice Frank wrote in a postcard to Kleiman on 20 May 1945 that the last message she had received from him was dated 2 June 1944.[30] Kleiman also went once more to Werner Goldschmidt and to Albert Lewkowitz, to get hold of items left behind from the house on Merwedeplein.[31] Through Miep Gies, Pfeffer maintained a correspondence with Charlotte Kaletta. Edith Frank and Auguste van Pels were very much against this for security reasons.[32]
\r\n\r\nAgain, it must have been through the helpers that the people in hiding heard that representatives Martin Brouwer and Hendrik Daatzelaar had been arrested for voucher trading. This was bad news in more ways than one: the loss of that source created shortages in the Secret Annex.[33] A short time later, Miep brought word that Mrs Stoppelman's son, his wife and sister-in-law had been arrested.[34]
\r\n\r\nAs Prinsengracht 263 continued to function as business premises, there was a lot of movement in the building. Suppliers, representatives and customers visited. The cleaning lady, Arthur Lewinsohn, the plumber, the carpenter and the accountant were also disruptive and frightening factors for the people in hiding.[35] Anne expressed her great fear of Willem van Maaren and the other warehousemen more than once.[36]
\r\n\r\nThere were outsiders who could unwittingly notice something, but there was also representative Johan Broks who was curious about where Otto Frank had gone. In collusion with Kleiman, he was led astray with a complicated ruse, carried out via an unwitting Opekta customer in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. The suggestion had to have been that the Franks had left for Switzerland via Belgium.[37]
\r\n\r\nA very undesirable form of confrontation with the outside world was experienced by the people in the Secret Annex when the premises became a target for thieves and burglars. Anne mentions four cases of break-ins and attempted break-ins during the period in hiding.[38] As far as is known, only the burglary of 9 April 1944 came to the attention of the police, because night watchman Martinus Slegers discovered the broken door.[39] An alerted policeman then inspected the premises.[40]
\r\n\r\nAnne looked out past the curtains in the front office and saw passers-by there.[41] From the attic, she and Peter looked outside and they saw birds and the chestnut tree.[42] Once Anne also saw a small black kitten in the garden.[43]
\r\n\r\nSounds from surrounding premises regularly penetrated the Secret Annex. In March 1944, there was a knock on the wall somewhere during dinner, causing alarm.[44] At weekends, they kept in mind the possibility that the nearby 'head of Keg' Jacob Boon could happen to drop by.[45] They seemed to perceive the Elhoek furniture factory on the other side as less threatening, although the staff there would take their breaks in the gutter near the Secret Annex when the weather was nice. One of them later stated that they did notice habitation, but without thinking of people in hiding.[46] More people from the block claimed to have noticed the presence of people in the Secret Annex, but these are all statements from the time when this history of the hiding was already very well known.[47]
\r\n\r\nAlthough there is an image of the Secret Annex as a kind of 'black box', completely detached from the outside world, it turns out that there was quite a lot of interaction with the outside world. To a large extent, admittedly, this was from the outside in. In this, the helpers were essential, as when Broks was led astray via a client in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. Through the helpers, the lines of communication also ran to Overijssel, where the main focus of Brouwers' voucher business was located. Yet the most important line to the outside world was the one to Switzerland, which Kleiman maintained by postcard.
\r\n\r\nEenmaal in het Achterhuis ondergedoken waren vele lijnen met het vroegere leven afgesloten. De afhankelijkheid was groot, en aanvoer van allerlei levensbenodigdheden liep via de helpers. Ook nieuws van buiten, berichten over de oude buurt, kranten en dergelijke kwamen via hen binnen. Daarnaast was er ook de radio. De berichten van de BBC en Radio Oranje waren voor het moreel van de onderduikers van groot belang. Wel een heel belangrijke uitzending was, achteraf gezien, de rede van minister Gerrit Bolkestein op 28 maart 1944. Anne hield toen al geruime tijd een dagboek bij. Die avond hoorde zij Bolkestein echter zeggen:
\r\n\r\n'Haar [= de Nederlandse regering in Londen] staat voor oogen de oprichting van een nationaal centrum, waar al het geschiedkundige materiaal betreffende deze jaren zal worden bijeengebracht, bewerkt en uitgegeven […] Wil het nageslacht ten volle beseffen wat wij als volk in deze jaren hebben doorstaan en zijn te boven gekomen, dan hebben wij juist de eenvoudige stukken nodig: een dagboek, brieven van een arbeider uit Duitsland, [...] toespraken van een predikant.'[1]\r\n\r\n
Het was deze toespraak die haar op het idee bracht ‘een roman van het Achterhuis’ te schrijven.[2] Hier begon ze op 20 mei 1944 mee.[3] Haar boek is zoals bekend later in bewerkte vorm uitgegeven en wereldberoemd geworden. Dit was dus wel een heel essentieel contact met de buitenwereld te noemen.
\r\n\r\nNadat de Franks hun intrek in het Achterhuis hadden genomen, zijn de enige mensen waar ze rechtstreeks contact mee hadden de helpers, aangevuld met mevrouw Kleiman[4] en de vader van Bep Voskuijl. Zij verschaften directe informatie omdat zij op de hoogte waren van allerlei nieuwtjes en toegang hadden tot reguliere en clandestiene pers. Zo vertelde Johannes Kleiman volgens Anne dat de brandweer bij het blussen van het Bevolkingsregister met veel bluswater de schade opzettelijk had vergroot.[5]
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler bracht kranten en tijdschriften, zoals Haagsche Post, Das Reich en Cinema & Theater.[6] Anne was geïnteresseerd in film en muziek, en noteerde in haar dagboek dat Bep Voskuijl naar optredens van Thelma van Breemen en Evelyn Künneke ging.[7] Ook noemde ze concerten van Händel en Mozart die de radio uitzond.[8]
\r\n\r\nBeschouwingen over de stand van zaken in Nederland en Amsterdam baseerde Anne in 1944 vaak op krantenberichten. Ze las en schreef over inbraken, vermissingen, jeugdcriminaliteit en vandalisme.[9] Veel van dergelijke berichten verschenen in verschillende dagbladen. In het dagboek refereerde Anne aan berichten en bijbehorende gedichten van Clinge Doorenbos uit De Telegraaf, zoals de zaak van de doodgeslagen kat in Hilversum.[10] Ook het Normandiëkaartje kwam uit De Telegraaf.[11] Verder plaatste “Gies, Prinsengr. 263” in het blad een ‘Speurder’ waarin een camera te koop werd gevraagd.[12] De annonce verscheen op 6 februari ook in de Haagsche Post. Hoewel er geen expliciete vermeldingen zijn blijkt dat ook De Telegraaf in het Achterhuis werd gelezen.
\r\n\r\nNaast de helpers en de kranten die zij meebrachten, was de radio een belangrijke inlichtingenbron. Anne omschrijft de radio als ‘moed-houd-bron’.[13] In september 1942 schrijft ze over het luisteren naar de Duitse radio.[14] Nadat Kugler de grote radio uit het privékantoor noodgedwongen had ingeleverd,[15] kwam er in het Achterhuis een ‘baby-radiootje’ van Kleiman.[16] Hermann van Pels hoorde rond deze tijd, mogelijk via dit radiootje, van de val van Mussolini.[17]
\r\n\r\nNaarmate de tijd vorderde, volgden de onderduikers de strijd aan het Oostfront op de voet. Na D-Day steeg het optimisme,[18] en hielden ze met behulp van het Normandië-kaartje de geallieerde vorderingen bij. Uit verschillende notities blijkt dat de onderduikers ook toegang hadden tot informatie uit ondergrondse bronnen. Zo weet Anne te vertellen dat er een voetbalwedstrijd tussen marechaussees en onderduikers zou zijn geweest, en dat de Hilversumse distributiedienst spreekuren voor onderduikers hield.[19] Het eerste bericht is afkomstig uit Trouw,[20] van het tweede is de bron onbekend. Hoewel er bij die dienst eind ’43 wel mensen waren gearresteerd, is er over dergelijke spreekuren niets bekend. In mei ’44 schrijft ze over plannen voor concentratiekampen op Nieuw-Guinea.[21] Het plan om NSB’ers te interneren op Nieuw-Guinea werd een klein jaar eerder in Het Parool naar voren gebracht.[22] Het is niet duidelijk of de onderduikers hierover uit een blad vernamen, via de radio of het van de helpers hoorden.
\r\n\r\nDe eerste maanden was het vooral Miep die berichten over de voormalige woonomgeving bracht. Zij vertelde over de taferelen waarmee het ophalen gepaard ging. Miep Gies bracht berichten over een huiszoeking bij haar pleegouders en over de wijze waarop mensen uit haar buurt werden opgehaald.[23] Wanneer Anne schrijft over de lotgevallen van de Goslars en andere bekenden uit Zuid,[24] is dat doorgaans op basis van deze inlichtingen. Bep, die in die periode weliswaar bij haar tante op de Da Costakade woonde,[25] maar nog veel thuis kwam, wist te vertellen dat Annes klasgenootje Betty Bloemendal uit de Reinier Claeszenstraat ook naar Polen was afgevoerd.[26] Toen Fritz Pfeffer in november ’42 kwam, kende hij de actuele stand van zaken met betrekking tot het ophalen van Joden in Zuid.[27]
\r\n\r\nKleiman voerde tijdens de onderduikperiode zakelijke correspondentie met Erich Elias in Bazel. Hij leek in bedekte termen over te brengen dat alles redelijk goed ging en informeerde naar de familie daar.[28] Zo sijpelde informatie door over de stand van zaken daar, bijvoorbeeld over de ‘Künstler-neigungen’ van Buddy.[29] Alice Frank schreef op 20 mei 1945 in een briefkaart aan Kleiman dat het laatste bericht dat zij van hem ontvangen had van 2 juni 1944 dateerde.[30] Verder ging Kleiman nog een keer naar Werner Goldschmidt en naar Albert Lewkowitz, om achtergebleven spullen uit de woning op het Merwedeplein te bemachtigen.[31] Via Miep Gies onderhield Pfeffer een correspondentie met Charlotte Kaletta. Edith Frank en Auguste van Pels waren hier uit veiligheidsoverwegingen erg op tegen.[32]
\r\n\r\nHet moet ook weer via de helpers zijn geweest dat de onderduikers hoorden dat de vertegenwoordigers Martin Brouwer en Hendrik Daatzelaar wegens bonnenhandel waren gearresteerd. Dit was in meerdere opzichten slecht nieuws: door het wegvallen van die bron ontstonden tekorten in het Achterhuis.[33] Korte tijd later bracht Miep het bericht dat de zoon van mevrouw Stoppelman, zijn vrouw en zijn schoonzusje waren gearresteerd.[34]
\r\n\r\nOmdat Prinsengracht 263 als bedrijfspand bleef functioneren, was er veel beweging in het gebouw. Er kwamen leveranciers, vertegenwoordigers en klanten op bezoek. Ook de schoonmaakster, Arthur Lewinsohn, de loodgieter, de timmerman en de accountant waren storende en angstaanjagende factoren voor de onderduikers.[35] Anne drukt meer dan eens haar grote angst voor Willem van Maaren en de andere magazijnmannen uit.[36]
\r\n\r\nEr waren buitenstaanders die ongewild iets konden merken, maar er was ook vertegenwoordiger Johan Broks die nieuwsgierig was waar Otto Frank was gebleven. In samenspraak met Kleiman werd hij met een ingewikkelde en via een onwetende Opekta-klant in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen uitgevoerde list op een dwaalspoor gezet. De suggestie moest zijn dat de Franks via België naar Zwitserland waren vertrokken.[37]
\r\n\r\nEen heel onwenselijke wijze van confrontatie met de buitenwereld ervoeren de onderduikers toen het pand doelwit werd van dieven en inbrekers. Anne vermeldt tijdens de onderduikperiode vier gevallen van binnendringen en pogingen daartoe.[38] Voor zover bekend kwam alleen de inbraak van 9 april 1944 ter kennis van de politie, omdat nachtwaker Martinus Slegers de kapotte deur ontdekte.[39] Een gewaarschuwde agent inspecteerde vervolgens het pand.[40]
\r\n\r\nAnne keek in het voorkantoor langs de gordijnen naar buiten en zag daar voorbijgangers.[41] Vanaf de zolder keek ze met Peter naar buiten en ze zagen vogels en de kastanjeboom.[42] Ook zag Anne eens een klein zwart katje in de tuin.[43]
\r\n\r\nIn het Achterhuis drongen geregeld geluiden uit omliggende panden door. In maart ’44 werd er tijdens het eten ergens op de muur geklopt, wat schrik teweegbracht.[44] De onderduikers hielden in het weekeinde rekening met de mogelijkheid dat de vlakbij wonende ‘chef van Keg’ Jacob Boon toevallig kon langskomen.[45] De meubelfabriek Elhoek aan de andere kant leken ze als minder dreigend te ervaren, hoewel het personeel daar bij mooi weer in de dakgoot vlakbij het Achterhuis pauzeerde. Een van hen verklaarde later dat ze wel bewoning opmerkten, maar zonder daarbij aan onderduikers te denken.[46] Meer mensen uit het blok stelden dat ze de aanwezigheid van mensen in het Achterhuis hadden bemerkt, maar dat zijn allemaal verklaringen uit de tijd dat deze onderduikgeschiedenis al zeer bekend was.[47]
\r\n\r\nHoewel het beeld bestaat van het Achterhuis als een soort ‘black box’, volledig losstaand van de buitenwereld, blijkt dat er vrij veel interactie met de buitenwereld is geweest. Voor een belangrijk deel was dit weliswaar van buiten naar binnen. Daarbij waren de helpers essentieel, zoals toen Broks op een dwaalspoor werd gebracht via een klant in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. Via de helpers liepen de lijnen ook naar Overijssel, waar zich het zwaartepunt van Brouwers bonnenhandel bevond. De belangrijkste lijn naar buiten was toch die naar Zwitserland, die door Kleiman per briefkaart werd onderhouden.
\r\n\r\nOnce in hiding in the Secret Annex, many lines of communication with people's former lives were cut off. They were very dependent on people outside, and supplies of all kinds of necessities of life went through the helpers. News from outside, reports about the old neighbourhood, newspapers and the like also came in through them. There was also the radio. Messages from the BBC and Radio Oranje were very important for the morale of the people in hiding. One very important broadcast, though, in retrospect, was Minister Gerrit Bolkestein's speech on 28 March 1944. Anne had been keeping a diary for some time by then. That night, however, she heard Bolkestein say:
\r\n\r\n'It [= the Dutch government in London] envisages the establishment of a national centre, where all the historical material concerning these years will be brought together, edited and published [...] If posterity is to fully realise what we as a people have endured and overcome in these years, we need precisely the simple pieces: a diary, letters from a worker in Germany, [...] ministers' sermons.'[1]\r\n\r\n
It was this speech that gave her the idea of writing 'a novel of the Secret Annex'.[2] This is what she began on 20 May 1944.[3] Her book, as we know, was later published in edited form and became world-famous. So this could be called a very essential contact with the outside world.
\r\n\r\nAfter the Franks moved into the Secret Annex, the only people they had direct contact with were the helpers, supplemented by Mrs Kleiman[4] and Bep Voskuijl's father. They provided direct information because they were aware of all kinds of news and had access to the mainstream and underground press. For example, Johannes Kleiman told Anne that the fire brigade had deliberately increased the damage when extinguishing the fire at the Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages with a lot of extinguishing water.[5]
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler brought newspapers and magazines, such as Haagsche Post, Das Reich and Cinema & Theater.[6] Anne was interested in film and music, and noted in her diary that Bep Voskuijl went to performances by Thelma van Breemen and Evelyn Künneke.[7] She also mentioned concerts by Handel and Mozart that the radio broadcast.[8]
\r\n\r\nAnne often based her reflections on the state of affairs in the Netherlands and Amsterdam in 1944 on newspaper reports. She read and wrote about burglaries, missing persons, juvenile crime and vandalism.[9] Many such reports appeared in various newspapers. In the diary, Anne referred to reports and accompanying poems by Clinge Doorenbos from De Telegraaf, such as the case of the cat beaten to death in Hilversum.[10] The Normandy map also came from De Telegraaf.[11] Furthermore, 'Gies, Prinsengr. 263' placed a 'Speurder' classified advertisement in the newspaper looking to purchase a camera.[12] The advert also appeared in the Haagsche Post on 6 February. Although there are no explicit mentions of it, it appears that De Telegraaf was also read in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nBesides the helpers and the newspapers they brought, the radio was an important source of information. Anne describes the radio as a 'courage-keeping source'.[13] In September 1942, she writes about listening to German radio.[14] After Kugler was forced to hand in the large radio from the private office,[15] a 'baby radio' from Kleiman arrived in the Secret Annex.[16] Hermann van Pels heard about the fall of Mussolini around this time, possibly through this little radio.[17]
\r\n\r\nAs time progressed, the people in the Secret Annex closely followed the battle on the Eastern Front. After D-Day, optimism rose,[18] and, using the Normandy map, they kept track of Allied progress. Several notes reveal that they also had access to information from underground sources. This explains how Anne was able to relate that there was supposedly a football match between military police and people in hiding, and that the Hilversum distribution service held consultation hours for people in hiding.[19] The first report is from Trouw,[20] the source of the second is unknown. Although people had been arrested at that service in late 1943, nothing is known about such consulting hours. In May 1944, she writes about plans for concentration camps in New Guinea.[21] The plan to intern NSB members on New Guinea was put forward in Het Parool just under a year earlier.[22] It is not clear whether the people in the Secret Annex had heard about this from a magazine, from the radio or heard it from the helpers.
\r\n\r\nFor the first few months, it was mainly Miep who brought reports about their former living surroundings. She recounted the scenes that accompanied the round-ups. Miep Gies brought reports of a search of her foster parents' home and how people were picked up from her neighbourhood.[23] When Anne writes about the fate of the Goslars and other acquaintances from Amsterdam-Zuid,[24] it is usually on the basis of this intelligence. Bep, who, although living with her aunt on Da Costakade during that period,[25] still came home a lot, was able to inform them that Anne's classmate Betty Bloemendal from Reinier Claeszenstraat had also been deported to Poland.[26] When Fritz Pfeffer came in November 1942, he knew the current state of affairs regarding the round-up of Jews in Amsterdam-Zuid.[27]
\r\n\r\nKleiman had business correspondence with Erich Elias in Basel during the hiding period. He seemed to convey in veiled terms that everything was going reasonably well and inquired about the family there.[28] Thus, information seeped through about the state of affairs there, for example about Buddy's 'Künstler-neigungen'.[29] Alice Frank wrote in a postcard to Kleiman on 20 May 1945 that the last message she had received from him was dated 2 June 1944.[30] Kleiman also went once more to Werner Goldschmidt and to Albert Lewkowitz, to get hold of items left behind from the house on Merwedeplein.[31] Through Miep Gies, Pfeffer maintained a correspondence with Charlotte Kaletta. Edith Frank and Auguste van Pels were very much against this for security reasons.[32]
\r\n\r\nAgain, it must have been through the helpers that the people in hiding heard that representatives Martin Brouwer and Hendrik Daatzelaar had been arrested for voucher trading. This was bad news in more ways than one: the loss of that source created shortages in the Secret Annex.[33] A short time later, Miep brought word that Mrs Stoppelman's son, his wife and sister-in-law had been arrested.[34]
\r\n\r\nAs Prinsengracht 263 continued to function as business premises, there was a lot of movement in the building. Suppliers, representatives and customers visited. The cleaning lady, Arthur Lewinsohn, the plumber, the carpenter and the accountant were also disruptive and frightening factors for the people in hiding.[35] Anne expressed her great fear of Willem van Maaren and the other warehousemen more than once.[36]
\r\n\r\nThere were outsiders who could unwittingly notice something, but there was also representative Johan Broks who was curious about where Otto Frank had gone. In collusion with Kleiman, he was led astray with a complicated ruse, carried out via an unwitting Opekta customer in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. The suggestion had to have been that the Franks had left for Switzerland via Belgium.[37]
\r\n\r\nA very undesirable form of confrontation with the outside world was experienced by the people in the Secret Annex when the premises became a target for thieves and burglars. Anne mentions four cases of break-ins and attempted break-ins during the period in hiding.[38] As far as is known, only the burglary of 9 April 1944 came to the attention of the police, because night watchman Martinus Slegers discovered the broken door.[39] An alerted policeman then inspected the premises.[40]
\r\n\r\nAnne looked out past the curtains in the front office and saw passers-by there.[41] From the attic, she and Peter looked outside and they saw birds and the chestnut tree.[42] Once Anne also saw a small black kitten in the garden.[43]
\r\n\r\nSounds from surrounding premises regularly penetrated the Secret Annex. In March 1944, there was a knock on the wall somewhere during dinner, causing alarm.[44] At weekends, they kept in mind the possibility that the nearby 'head of Keg' Jacob Boon could happen to drop by.[45] They seemed to perceive the Elhoek furniture factory on the other side as less threatening, although the staff there would take their breaks in the gutter near the Secret Annex when the weather was nice. One of them later stated that they did notice habitation, but without thinking of people in hiding.[46] More people from the block claimed to have noticed the presence of people in the Secret Annex, but these are all statements from the time when this history of the hiding was already very well known.[47]
\r\n\r\nAlthough there is an image of the Secret Annex as a kind of 'black box', completely detached from the outside world, it turns out that there was quite a lot of interaction with the outside world. To a large extent, admittedly, this was from the outside in. In this, the helpers were essential, as when Broks was led astray via a client in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. Through the helpers, the lines of communication also ran to Overijssel, where the main focus of Brouwers' voucher business was located. Yet the most important line to the outside world was the one to Switzerland, which Kleiman maintained by postcard.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diary and her stories are the main source for the daily schedule in the Secret Annex. The B version and the stories do require the caveat that there is a strong compositional element involved. Otto Frank and the helpers gave further insight, in various statements after the war, into how the people in the Secret Annex filled their days. In particular, the presence and absence of staff in the office and warehouse determined the difference between weekdays, Saturdays and Sundays. However, it is difficult to establish whether certain routines remained the same during the 25 months of hiding, or whether significant shifts occurred.
\r\n\r\nAn undated entry from Anne's diary, assumed to be from March 1944, describes an 'Anne Frank's daily schedule' on weekdays. In it, she details what such a day looked like. There may be scepticism about its accuracy. For instance, 'getting dressed from seven thirty-eight to seven fifty-five' does sound very detailed for something so mundane. That everything in the Secret Annex followed strict schedules, however, is plausible. According to this 'daily schedule', Anne got up around seven-thirty and then woke her father.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family's alarm clock rang earlier: at a quarter to seven, after which Hermann van Pels put on water and went to the bathroom. At a quarter past seven, Fritz Pfeffer, meanwhile also getting up, went to the bathroom. Anne then darkened their room. At eight, it was her turn for the bathroom.[2] Breakfast was taken in the van Pels family room between nine and nine-thirty.[1]
\r\n\r\nIn her story Wenn die Uhr halb neune schlagt, Anne describes the morning routine of the people in the Secret Annex. It all comes across as a fairly well-oiled machine. Everyone did what needed to be done, and made sure it was quiet again between eight thirty and nine. This prevented the warehouse staff from noticing anything. This was followed by breakfast. Anne, however - the only one - had had a plate of porridge earlier, which the Van Pels family had prepared.[3]
\r\n\r\nFrom one o'clock to a quarter past one, they listened to the radio. Then they ate until ten to two. At two o'clock they listened to the Wehrmachtsbericht.[4] At five-thirty, when the company closed, Bep came to give them their 'freedom'.[5] At noon, the helpers came to eat soup.[6]
\r\n\r\nIn general, all of them went to bed fairly early. When Jan and Miep Gies came to stay one night in October 1942, despite the festive mood, the lights went out at eleven o'clock.[7]
\r\n\r\nOn Saturdays, the office and warehouse worked in the morning, as was customary at the time. This affected the freedom of movement of the people in hiding. On Saturday afternoon, the curtains in the front office closed, which meant they could move around the offices reasonably freely. Saturday was also the day Miep brought library books,[8] and Anne twice describes visits by Mrs Kleiman on Saturdays.[9] The Saturday evening Anne listened to the German variety show on the radio.[10]
\r\n\r\nThe prime source for these details is the story Sunday. On Sundays, the rhythm in the Secret Annex was different from other days. Almost everyone slept in, with only Pfeffer getting up at eight.[4] Breakfast was late; not until 11.30.[4] It was also the day they had a bath. Anne quotes on 17 November 1942 the 'Prospectus and guidebook' that Hermann van Pels had made on the occasion of Pfeffer's arrival: 'Baths: On Sundays from 9 o'clock the bathtub is available to all housemates. One can bathe in the W.C., kitchen, private office, front office, all as desired.'[11]
\r\n\r\nBesides 'bath day', Sunday also was household chores day. Anne writes the following about this: 'When other people are wearing nice clothes and walking in the sunshine, we here are scrubbing, sweeping and washing.'[4] Then, in this story, Anne describes how everyone in the Secret Annex was busy until two o'clock with all kinds of household chores, such as washing clothes, shampooing the carpet and scrubbing the bathroom. The accessibility of the office kitchen on Sundays was obviously related to this.
\r\n\r\nInterestingly, despite the great boredom that Sunday brought, Anne wrote on this day more often than not. This at least applies to the surviving A-version. Whether it was the same in the lost 1943 volumes, we obviously do not know.
\r\n\r\nAnne regularly felt miserable at weekends. Her writings show that she found those days only tedious.[12] In the early days, Anne writes that she listened to the radio every Saturday night, 'but it gets duller every time.'[10] By March 1944, only Peter could cheer her up on the weekends.[13] She writes: 'Although it is Saturday I am not bored! That's because I was in the attic with Peter.'[14]
\r\n\r\nAlthough Anne commented negatively on both days of the weekend, she thought Sunday was the worst. Nobody came over, so there was no distraction and at the same time they had to be extra quiet for the neighbours. Otherwise, Sunday was actually a day when a lot happened in the house. Because there were no staff in the warehouse, the house could be cleaned properly. From about two o'clock in the afternoon, peace returned, followed by sleep. Anne writes: 'It's really not nice to see only sleepy faces in the afternoon between 2 and 4 wherever you go.'[4]
\r\n\r\nShe also found it an ordeal to watch Pfeffer pray early on Sundays. She got giddy from his wiggling back and forth, she writes in her storybook.[4] In the B version, she notes on 22 December 1942 that she was irritated by his early gymnastic exercises next to her bed: it gave her a headache.[15]
\r\n\r\nWithin the daily schedule of the Secret Annex, the helpers had a clear function. Miep fetched a shopping list in the morning, and delivered what she could get in terms of meat and vegetables in the afternoon. Bep provided milk and bread. At lunchtime, everyone from the office would drop by, and often eat a cup of soup with them. In any case, Bep ate with the people in the Secret Annex every afternoon.[16] Jan Gies also dropped by to have lunch with Miep. He then visited the people in the Secret Annex and, according to his wife, sometimes stayed for about ten minutes, sometimes half an hour.[17]
\r\n\r\nThe helpers brought news from outside. Jan Gies, Victor Kugler and Jo Kleiman often stopped by to discuss political developments. Kugler, in particular, emerged from Anne's notes as the 'final person in charge'. It was he who at one point locked the premises at night and took all necessary measures. The premises were rented at that time by Gies & Co, of which company he was director. As part of the Secret Annex routine, the helpers also provided much-needed distraction.
\r\n\r\nAs can be seen, the daily schedule in the Secret Annex was very much determined by external factors. The working hours of Opekta and Gies & Co. greatly influenced the rhythm by which the people there had to live. The - sometimes unexpected - presence of outsiders also played a role. Finally, the rather regimented housekeeping was an imperative element. It was within these frameworks that the people in hiding lived. In her diary, Anne of course often describes the worries in the building, since her entire life took place here. Over time, the daily schedule was subject to change due to, among other things, voucher shortages and illness of helpers. Still, the sources we have are mainly snapshots, about which no overly detailed conclusions for the entire period can be drawn.
\r\n\r\nHet dagboek van Anne Frank en haar verhaaltjes vormen de voornaamste bron voor de dagindeling in het Achterhuis. Bij de B-versie en de verhaaltjes is wel het voorbehoud nodig dat er een sterk gecomponeerd element in zit. Otto Frank en de helpers gaven in enkele naoorlogse verklaringen nader inzicht in de wijze waarop de onderduikers hun dagen invulden. Vooral de aan- en afwezigheid van het personeel in kantoor en magazijn bepaalden het verschil tussen weekdag, zaterdag en zondag. Het is echter lastig om vast te stellen of bepaalde routines gedurende de 25 maanden van de onderduik hetzelfde bleven, of dat zich belangrijke verschuivingen voordeden.
\r\n\r\nEen ongedateerde maar in maart 1944 te plaatsen notitie uit Annes dagboek beschrijft een 'dagindeling van Anne Frank' op werkdagen. Hierin geeft ze gedetailleerd weer hoe zo’n dag eruitzag. Er is scepsis mogelijk over de accuratesse van het geheel. Zo klinkt 'aankleden van acht over half acht tot vijf voor acht' wel erg gedetailleerd voor iets zo alledaags. Dat alles in het Achterhuis volgens strikte schema’s verliep is evenwel aannemelijk. Volgens deze ‘dagindeling’ stond Anne rond half acht op en wekte dan haar vader.[1]
\r\n\r\nDe wekker van de familie Van Pels ging al eerder: om kwart voor zeven, waarna Hermann van Pels water opzette en naar de badkamer ging. Om kwart over zeven ging Fritz Pfeffer, inmiddels ook opgestaan, naar de badkamer.. Anne ontduisterde vervolgens hun kamer. Om acht uur was het haar beurt voor de badkamer.[2] Tussen negen en half tien vond het ontbijt plaats in de kamer van de familie van Pels.[1]
\r\n\r\nIn haar verhaaltje Wenn die Uhr halb neune schlagt beschrijft Anne de ochtendroutine van de onderduikers. Een en ander komt over als een redelijk geoliede machine. Allen deden wat moest gebeuren, en zorgden ervoor dat het tussen half negen en negen weer stil was. Zo voorkwamen ze dat het magazijnpersoneel iets merkte. Daarna volgde het ontbijt. Anne had echter eerder – als enige – al een bordje pap gehad, dat de familie Van Pels had klaargemaakt.[3]
\r\n\r\nVan een uur tot kwart over een luisterden de onderduikers naar de radio. Vervolgens werd er tot tien voor twee gegeten. Om twee uur luisterden ze naar het Wehrmachtsbericht.[4] Om half zes, als het bedrijf sloot, kwam Bep de onderduikers 'de vrijheid' geven.[5] Tussen de middag kwamen de helpers soep eten.[6]
\r\n\r\nOver het algemeen gingen alle onderduikers vrij vroeg naar bed. Toen Jan en Miep Gies in oktober ’42 een nacht kwamen logeren, ging ondanks de feestelijke stemming om elf uur het licht uit.[7]
\r\n\r\n‘s Zaterdags werd er op kantoor en in het magazijn, zoals destijds gebruikelijk, in de ochtend gewerkt. Dit had gevolgen voor de bewegingsvrijheid van de onderduikers. Op zaterdagmiddag gingen de gordijnen in het voorkantoor dicht, wat betekende dat zij zich redelijk vrij door de kantoren konden bewegen. Zaterdag was ook de dag dat Miep bibliotheekboeken bracht,[8] en Anne beschrijft tweemaal een bezoek van mevrouw Kleiman op zaterdag.[9] De zaterdagavond ging Anne 'aan de radio', om naar de Duitse bonte avond te luisteren.[10]
\r\n\r\nDe bron bij uitstek is het verhaaltje Zondag. Op zondag was het ritme in het Achterhuis anders dan op andere dagen. Vrijwel iedereen sliep uit, alleen Pfeffer stond al om acht uur op.[4] Het ontbijt was laat; pas om half twaalf.[4] Het was eveneens een dag waarop de onderduikers in de tobbe gingen. Anne citeert op 17 november 1942 de 'Prospectus en leiddraad’ die Hermann van Pels ter gelegenheid van de komst van Pfeffer had gemaakt: 'Baden: Des Zondags vanaf 9 uur staat het teil voor alle huisgenoten beschikbaar. Men kan baden in W.C., keuken, privé-kantoor, voorkantoor, al naar wens.'[11]
\r\n\r\nNaast ‘baddag’ was zondag ook huishouddag. Anne schrijft hierover het volgende: 'Als andere mensen mooie kleren aan hebben en in het zonnetje wandelen, zijn wij hier aan het schrobben, vegen en wassen.'[4] Vervolgens beschrijft Anne in dit verhaaltje hoe iedereen in het Achterhuis tot twee uur druk was met allerlei huishoudelijke taken, zoals kleren wassen, het kleed schuieren en de badkamer schrobben. De bereikbaarheid van de kantoorkeuken op zondag had daar uiteraard mee te maken.
\r\n\r\nOpvallend is dat Anne, ondanks de grote verveling die de zondag bracht, op deze dag vaker wel dan niet schrijft. Dit geldt althans voor de overgeleverde A-versie. Of het in de verloren delen uit 1943 ook zo was, weten we uiteraard niet.
\r\n\r\nAnne voelde zich regelmatig ellendig in het weekeinde. Uit haar geschriften blijkt dat ze die dagen maar vervelend vond.[12] In de beginperiode schrijft Anne dat ze elke zaterdagavond naar de radio luisterde, 'maar het wordt elke keer saaier.'[10] In maart ’44 kon alleen Peter haar in de weekeinden opbeuren.[13] Ze schrijft: 'Hoewel het Zaterdag is ben ik niet vervelend! Dat komt omdat ik met Peter op zolder zat.'[14]
\r\n\r\nHoewel Anne zich over beide dagen van het weekend negatief uitliet, vond ze de zondag toch het ergst. Er kwam niemand langs, dus er was geen afleiding en tegelijkertijd moesten ze extra stil zijn voor de buren. De zondag was verder juist een dag waarop veel gebeurde in huis. Doordat er geen personeel in het magazijn aanwezig was, kan er in het huis goed schoongemaakt worden. Vanaf een uur of twee ’s middags keerde de rust terug, waarna er geslapen werd. Anne schrijft hierover: 'Het is heus niet leuk om ’s middags tussen 2 en 4 waar je ook komt alleen maar slaperige gezichten te zien.'[4]
\r\n\r\nDaarnaast vond ze het ook een beproeving om Pfeffer op zondag in alle vroegte te zien bidden. Ze werd draaierig van zijn heen en weer gewiebel, zo schrijft ze in haar verhaaltjesboek.[4] In de B-versie noteert ze op 22 december 1942 dat ze zich irriteerde aan zijn vroege gymnastiekoefeningen naast haar bed: ze kreeg er hoofdpijn van.[15]
\r\n\r\nBinnen de dagindeling van het Achterhuis hadden de helpers een duidelijke functie. Miep haalde in de ochtend een boodschappenlijstje, en bezorgde ’s middags wat ze aan vlees en groente had kunnen krijgen. Bep verzorgde melk en brood. Tussen de middag gingen allen van kantoor langs, en aten dikwijls een kopje soep mee. Bep at sowieso elke middag met de onderduikers mee.[16] Ook Jan Gies kwam langs om bij Miep te lunchen. Hij bezocht dan de onderduikers en bleef volgens zijn echtgenote soms een minuut of tien, soms een half uur.[17]
\r\n\r\nDe helpers brachten nieuws van buiten. Jan Gies, Victor Kugler en Jo Kleiman kwamen vaak langs om over politieke ontwikkelingen te spreken. Met name Kugler kwam uit Annes notities naar voren als ‘eindverantwoordelijke’. Hij was het die op een gegeven moment het pand ’s avonds afsloot en alle noodzakelijke maatregelen trof. Het pand werd dan ook gehuurd door Gies & Co., het bedrijf waarvan hij directeur was. Voor de helpers gold dat zij als onderdeel van de Achterhuisroutine ook zorgden voor de zo broodnodige afleiding.
\r\n\r\nZoals blijkt werd de dagindeling in het Achterhuis zeer sterk door externe factoren bepaald. De werktijden van Opekta en Gies & Co. beïnvloedden in hoge mate het ritme waarnaar de onderduikers moesten leven. Ook de – soms onverwachte – aanwezigheid van buitenstaanders speelde daarbij een rol. Ten slotte was de nogal geregimenteerde huishouding een dwingend element. Binnen deze kaders werd er door de onderduikers geleefd. Anne beschrijft in haar dagboek uiteraard vaak de beslommeringen in het gebouw, aangezien haar gehele leven zich hier afspeelde. Door de tijd is de dagindeling vanwege onder meer bonnenschaarste en ziekte van helpers aan veranderingen onderhevig geweest. De bronnen die we hebben zijn echter toch vooral momentopnamen, waaraan geen al te gedetailleerde conclusies voor de hele periode zijn te verbinden.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diary and her stories are the main source for the daily schedule in the Secret Annex. The B version and the stories do require the caveat that there is a strong compositional element involved. Otto Frank and the helpers gave further insight, in various statements after the war, into how the people in the Secret Annex filled their days. In particular, the presence and absence of staff in the office and warehouse determined the difference between weekdays, Saturdays and Sundays. However, it is difficult to establish whether certain routines remained the same during the 25 months of hiding, or whether significant shifts occurred.
\r\n\r\nAn undated entry from Anne's diary, assumed to be from March 1944, describes an 'Anne Frank's daily schedule' on weekdays. In it, she details what such a day looked like. There may be scepticism about its accuracy. For instance, 'getting dressed from seven thirty-eight to seven fifty-five' does sound very detailed for something so mundane. That everything in the Secret Annex followed strict schedules, however, is plausible. According to this 'daily schedule', Anne got up around seven-thirty and then woke her father.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family's alarm clock rang earlier: at a quarter to seven, after which Hermann van Pels put on water and went to the bathroom. At a quarter past seven, Fritz Pfeffer, meanwhile also getting up, went to the bathroom. Anne then darkened their room. At eight, it was her turn for the bathroom.[2] Breakfast was taken in the van Pels family room between nine and nine-thirty.[1]
\r\n\r\nIn her story Wenn die Uhr halb neune schlagt, Anne describes the morning routine of the people in the Secret Annex. It all comes across as a fairly well-oiled machine. Everyone did what needed to be done, and made sure it was quiet again between eight thirty and nine. This prevented the warehouse staff from noticing anything. This was followed by breakfast. Anne, however - the only one - had had a plate of porridge earlier, which the Van Pels family had prepared.[3]
\r\n\r\nFrom one o'clock to a quarter past one, they listened to the radio. Then they ate until ten to two. At two o'clock they listened to the Wehrmachtsbericht.[4] At five-thirty, when the company closed, Bep came to give them their 'freedom'.[5] At noon, the helpers came to eat soup.[6]
\r\n\r\nIn general, all of them went to bed fairly early. When Jan and Miep Gies came to stay one night in October 1942, despite the festive mood, the lights went out at eleven o'clock.[7]
\r\n\r\nOn Saturdays, the office and warehouse worked in the morning, as was customary at the time. This affected the freedom of movement of the people in hiding. On Saturday afternoon, the curtains in the front office closed, which meant they could move around the offices reasonably freely. Saturday was also the day Miep brought library books,[8] and Anne twice describes visits by Mrs Kleiman on Saturdays.[9] The Saturday evening Anne listened to the German variety show on the radio.[10]
\r\n\r\nThe prime source for these details is the story Sunday. On Sundays, the rhythm in the Secret Annex was different from other days. Almost everyone slept in, with only Pfeffer getting up at eight.[4] Breakfast was late; not until 11.30.[4] It was also the day they had a bath. Anne quotes on 17 November 1942 the 'Prospectus and guidebook' that Hermann van Pels had made on the occasion of Pfeffer's arrival: 'Baths: On Sundays from 9 o'clock the bathtub is available to all housemates. One can bathe in the W.C., kitchen, private office, front office, all as desired.'[11]
\r\n\r\nBesides 'bath day', Sunday also was household chores day. Anne writes the following about this: 'When other people are wearing nice clothes and walking in the sunshine, we here are scrubbing, sweeping and washing.'[4] Then, in this story, Anne describes how everyone in the Secret Annex was busy until two o'clock with all kinds of household chores, such as washing clothes, shampooing the carpet and scrubbing the bathroom. The accessibility of the office kitchen on Sundays was obviously related to this.
\r\n\r\nInterestingly, despite the great boredom that Sunday brought, Anne wrote on this day more often than not. This at least applies to the surviving A-version. Whether it was the same in the lost 1943 volumes, we obviously do not know.
\r\n\r\nAnne regularly felt miserable at weekends. Her writings show that she found those days only tedious.[12] In the early days, Anne writes that she listened to the radio every Saturday night, 'but it gets duller every time.'[10] By March 1944, only Peter could cheer her up on the weekends.[13] She writes: 'Although it is Saturday I am not bored! That's because I was in the attic with Peter.'[14]
\r\n\r\nAlthough Anne commented negatively on both days of the weekend, she thought Sunday was the worst. Nobody came over, so there was no distraction and at the same time they had to be extra quiet for the neighbours. Otherwise, Sunday was actually a day when a lot happened in the house. Because there were no staff in the warehouse, the house could be cleaned properly. From about two o'clock in the afternoon, peace returned, followed by sleep. Anne writes: 'It's really not nice to see only sleepy faces in the afternoon between 2 and 4 wherever you go.'[4]
\r\n\r\nShe also found it an ordeal to watch Pfeffer pray early on Sundays. She got giddy from his wiggling back and forth, she writes in her storybook.[4] In the B version, she notes on 22 December 1942 that she was irritated by his early gymnastic exercises next to her bed: it gave her a headache.[15]
\r\n\r\nWithin the daily schedule of the Secret Annex, the helpers had a clear function. Miep fetched a shopping list in the morning, and delivered what she could get in terms of meat and vegetables in the afternoon. Bep provided milk and bread. At lunchtime, everyone from the office would drop by, and often eat a cup of soup with them. In any case, Bep ate with the people in the Secret Annex every afternoon.[16] Jan Gies also dropped by to have lunch with Miep. He then visited the people in the Secret Annex and, according to his wife, sometimes stayed for about ten minutes, sometimes half an hour.[17]
\r\n\r\nThe helpers brought news from outside. Jan Gies, Victor Kugler and Jo Kleiman often stopped by to discuss political developments. Kugler, in particular, emerged from Anne's notes as the 'final person in charge'. It was he who at one point locked the premises at night and took all necessary measures. The premises were rented at that time by Gies & Co, of which company he was director. As part of the Secret Annex routine, the helpers also provided much-needed distraction.
\r\n\r\nAs can be seen, the daily schedule in the Secret Annex was very much determined by external factors. The working hours of Opekta and Gies & Co. greatly influenced the rhythm by which the people there had to live. The - sometimes unexpected - presence of outsiders also played a role. Finally, the rather regimented housekeeping was an imperative element. It was within these frameworks that the people in hiding lived. In her diary, Anne of course often describes the worries in the building, since her entire life took place here. Over time, the daily schedule was subject to change due to, among other things, voucher shortages and illness of helpers. Still, the sources we have are mainly snapshots, about which no overly detailed conclusions for the entire period can be drawn.
\r\n\r\nDetails on the financing of the period in hiding are scarce, mostly unclear in nature and thus not very useful for serious calculations. Therefore, this is only a global overview. There are, however, sporadic details on the financial position of the Frank and Van Pels families, and of Fritz Pfeffer in the preceding years. In addition, the diary provides information on household money issues. Ordinance VO148/41, which came into force on 8 August 1941, stipulated that Jews had to deposit their cash and cheques in excess of one thousand guilders with banking firm Lippmann Rosenthal & Co. They also had to deposit securities and balances and deposits at other institutions there.[1] This was followed on 21 May 1942 by ordinance VO58/42, which required the surrender of jewellery and precious metals. A household was then allowed to dispose of 250 guilders per month.[2] These measures are known as the first and second Liro regulations.
\r\n\r\nMore people went into hiding: in addition to Jews, people sent to work in Germany who remained in the Netherlands after leave, and Dutch soldiers who wanted to evade captivity. All these people needed means of subsistence. Recent research suggests that in the first phase of the deportations, i.e. until May 1943, the Jewish category relied mainly on their own resources.[3] Despite the harsh measures with which the German authorities organised the looting of Jewish property, self-employed people had more opportunities to set aside 'black' money for a clandestine existence. Anne's diary entries show this implicitly, although money shortages emerged during 1944.
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank earned enough to live on with his family. In the 1938-1939 fiscal year, his income tax assessment was based on an income of 3,650 guilders.[4] The rent for the house on Merwedeplein was 70 guilders a month including heating.[5] In February 1933, according to an advertisement in the block, this was the cheapest option. By comparison, in the same year a doctor in Het Apeldoornsche Bosch earned 4,500 guilders plus free housing.[6] According to data from Netherlands Statistics, the average income of an assessed person in that year was 2,150 guilders.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn 1941 and 1942, Otto Frank surrendered assets and bank balances worth some thirteen thousand guilders pursuant to the Liro regulations.[8] Furthermore, he suffered financial losses by having to step down as director of Opekta. He received compensation of 4,800 guilders only after his return.[9] In the summer of 1945, he informed Erich Elias that he had lent 135 guilders for hiding through Hans Goslar, which he had not yet been paid back.[10]
\r\n\r\nSo, although he was apparently still able to lend money, his economic position on the eve of going into hiding was not completely favourable. Anne writes in her 1944 diary (B version, with the date 13 January 1943) 'we supposedly eat our money.'[11] Nevertheless, in early 1944 Otto and Edith planned to give Anne and Margot both five hundred guilders to take with them in the event of an evacuation of the western Netherlands. They themselves wanted to take one thousand guilders each.[12] This would mean that at that point they still had three thousand guilders at their disposal, while Anne said there were also dollars.[12] A few weeks later, the Franks wanted to sell a chest, but found the offer made for it of four hundred guilders too low.[13] This indicated that their situation was not yet quite desperate. So either there had to have been a considerable clandestine reserve or the companies were able to furnish this cash.
\r\n\r\nAt the time of the arrest, according to Otto Frank, Silberbauer asked for money and jewellery, which they then handed over.[14] When asked, Silberbauer expressed himself in similar terms.[15] This indicates that money and jewellery were still there in August 1944, although the value remains unknown.
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels entered Otto Frank's service when the three thousand guilders[16] with which he came to the Netherlands were completely exhausted.[17] He ran a textile business with his brother-in-law Max Goldschmidt for some time,[18] but what they made is unknown. At Pectacon he earned reasonably good money. According to Otto Frank, he and his family were able to live well from it, but were not able to save money.[17] The family paid 75 guilders a month in rent, including heating.[19] It is not known what financial consequences the liquidation of Pectacon had for Van Pels. When Peter talked to Anne about 'his life at home', he also mentioned black marketeering.[20]
\r\n\r\nHowever, according to Anne's diary, Van Pels already had money problems by the end of 1942.[21] He was the one who had the necessary contacts in the butchery world[22] and thus had an important role in food supply. Friction arose between the Van Pels and Frank families over money and the distribution of food. According to Anne's diary, Van Pels lost a wallet containing 100 guilders.[23] According to some notes, Van Pels was a heavy smoker.[24] That must have been a considerable expense. Van Pels' evident need for money led to the sale of the lady's fur coat. It reportedly fetched 325 guilders.[25]
\r\n\r\nUpon his arrival in the Netherlands, Pfeffer revealed that he had assets of about four thousand guilders.[26] Part of this consisted of depositary receipts on shares in General Motors.[27] According to notes from the Amsterdam Aliens Department, he was initially supported by the Committee for Jewish Refugees and later by his father.[28] Nothing is known about Liro payments. In the Secret Annex, he was de facto a kind of room tenant of the Frank family. He - like the Franks - still had regular access to distribution vouchers. Furthermore, he was a medic and a dentist, which of course was also a useful contribution.
\r\n\r\nIt is not known what Pfeffer brought to the Secret Annex in terms of money or valuables, and what ended up at the Liro. According to Kugler when asked about valuables during the raid in the Secrat Annex, Pfeffer handed a roll of gold pieces to Silberbauer.[29]
\r\n\r\nOtto wrote in his talk to Yad Vashem that Kugler sold goods without recording the proceeds, and could thus channel money to the people in the Secret Annex.[30] The people in the Secret Annex also filled packets of gravy for Gies & Co.[31] Anne's diary also reveals several times that they kept the books for the companies in the evenings.[32] The companies had to pay the rent for the building anyway. Gies & Co. was the main tenant. Opekta contributed as a subtenant.[33] Who paid for the electricity and fuel for the people in the Secret Annex is not known. It does appear that businesses and people in hiding helped each other in this way.
\r\n\r\nOther than that, therefore, most of their funds were derived by depleting their reserves. When Van Pels was already running low on funds in late 1942, Anne writes that her father still had money.[34] About a year and a half later, however, she still had to acknowledge that "The bottom of our black moneybox is in sight".[35] During a domestic argument, Edith expressed the opinion that 'everyone should live on their own money'.[36] We do not know the amounts involved.
\r\n\r\nDespite little to no income, expenses continued during the hiding period. Food had to be bought, not to mention the fact that some of it required expensive clandestine vouchers. Anne writes that they bought 'country' coupon cards instead of 'city' coupons. These cost 33 guilders and were thus cheaper. Furthermore, the bread coupons of these could be resold, as baker Siemons supplied 'boneless' bread in exchange for lactose. Such bread coupons fetched 12 guilders a time.[34] How many of these country coupons were bought and sold, and how long this arrangement lasted, is unknown. Over the entire period, it is possible to indicate what the set prices for all kinds of products were, but of course that does not mean that the helpers could always get them for those prices. Furthermore, the people in hiding would also clearly have needed money for clothing and fuel. There would also have been costs for the supply of library books and magazines brought by Kugler.
\r\n\r\nAll official assets of Jews were taken away from them through Liro regulations and other measures. Since those in hiding were nevertheless able to furnish their shelters and provide themselves with food, it must be assumed as certain that all of them had managed to set aside money in one way or another. This money, then, had obviously not been remitted to the Liro.
\r\n\r\nWhen deportations began in July 1942, it was unclear how long the occupation would last. However, almost no one foresaw that it would be as long as it was. In many cases, funds dried up during 1944. If the claims of Otto Frank, Silberbauer and Kugler are correct, money and valuables were nevertheless still there when they were arrested.
\r\n\r\nGegevens over de financiering van de onderduik zijn schaars, veelal onduidelijk van aard en dus niet goed bruikbaar voor serieuze berekeningen. Daarom is dit slechts een globaal overzicht. Er zijn wel sporadische gegevens over de financiële positie van de families Frank en Van Pels, en van Fritz Pfeffer in de voorafgaande jaren. Daarnaast levert het dagboek informatie over huishoudelijke geldkwesties. De verordening VO148/41, die 8 augustus 1941 van kracht werd, bepaalde dat Joden hun contanten en cheques boven een bedrag van duizend gulden moesten deponeren bij bankiersfirma Lippmann Rosenthal & Co. Ook effecten, en tegoeden en deposito’s bij andere instellingen moesten zij hier deponeren.[1] Op 21 mei 1942 volgde VO58/42, die tot het inleveren van sieraden en edelmetalen verplichtte. Een huishouden mocht dan nog over 250 gulden per maand beschikken.[2] Deze maatregelen staan bekend als de eerste en de tweede Liro-verordening.
\r\n\r\nEr doken meer mensen onder, naast Joden o.m. ook in Duitsland tewerkgestelden die na verlof in Nederland bleven en Nederlandse militairen die zich aan krijgsgevangenschap wilden onttrekken. Al deze mensen hadden bestaansmiddelen nodig. Recent onderzoek stelt dat de Joodse categorie in de eerste fase van de deportaties, dat wil zeggen tot mei ’43, vooral waren aangewezen op eigen middelen.[3] Ondanks de scherpe maatregelen waarmee de Duitse autoriteiten de roof van Joods bezit organiseerden, hadden zelfstandigen meer mogelijkheden zwart geld voor een clandestien bestaan te reserveren. Annes dagboeknotities tonen dat impliciet aan, hoewel in de loop van 1944 geldgebrek ontstond.
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank verdiende voldoende om met zijn gezin van te leven. De Inkomstenbelasting sloeg hem in het dienstjaar 1938-’39 aan voor een inkomen van 3.650 gulden.[4] De huur van de woning aan het Merwedeplein bedroeg 70 gulden per maand inclusief verwarming.[5] In februari 1933 was dit blijkens een advertentie in het blok de goedkoopste optie. Ter vergelijking: in hetzelfde jaar verdiende een geneesheer in ‘het Apeldoornsche Bosch’ 4.500 gulden plus vrij wonen.[6] Volgens gegevens van het Centraal Bureau voor Statistiek was het gemiddelde inkomen van een aangeslagene in dat jaar 2.150 gulden.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn 1941 en ’42 leverde Otto Frank ingevolge de Liro-verordeningen tegoeden en banksaldi in ter waarde van zo’n dertienduizend gulden.[8] Verder leed hij financiële schade doordat hij als directeur van Opekta moest terugtreden. Een vergoeding van 4.800 gulden kreeg hij pas na zijn terugkeer.[9] In de zomer van ’45 liet hij Erich Elias weten dat hij voor de onderduik via Hans Goslar 135 gulden had uitgeleend die hij nog niet terug had.[10]
\r\n\r\nHoewel hij blijkbaar nog geld uit kon lenen, was zijn economische positie aan de vooravond van de onderduik dus niet onverdeeld gunstig. Anne schrijft in 1944 in haar dagboek (B-versie, met als datum 13 januari 1943) 'we eten zogenaamd ons geld op.'[11] Desondanks waren Otto en Edith begin ’44 van plan Anne en Margot bij een eventuele evacuatie van West-Nederland allebei vijfhonderd gulden mee te geven. Zelf wilden ze elk duizend gulden meenemen.[12] Dit zou betekenen dat zij op dat moment nog over drieduizend gulden konden beschikken, terwijl er volgens Anne ook nog dollars waren.[12] Enkele weken later wilden de Franks een kist verkopen, maar ze vonden het bod van vierhonderd gulden te laag.[13] Dat wijst erop dat de situatie nog niet heel wanhopig was. Er moest dus ofwel een flinke clandestiene reserve zijn aangelegd, ofwel de bedrijven konden deze contanten verschaffen.
\r\n\r\nBij de arrestatie vraagt Silberbauer volgens Otto Frank naar geld en sieraden, waarop deze werden overhandigd.[14] Silberbauer liet zich desgevraagd in vergelijkbare bewoordingen uit.[15] Dit wijst erop dat er in augustus ’44 nog geld en sieraden waren, hoewel de waarde onbekend blijft.
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels kwam bij Otto Frank in dienst toen de drieduizend gulden[16] waarmee hij naar Nederland kwam geheel op waren.[17] Hij dreef met zijn zwager Max Goldschmidt enige tijd een textielhandel,[18] maar onbekend is wat dat opleverde. Bij Pectacon verdiende hij redelijk. Volgens Otto Frank kon hij er met zijn gezin wel goed van leven, maar niet sparen.[17] Het gezin betaalde per maand 75 gulden aan huur, inclusief verwarming.[19] Welke geldelijke gevolgen de liquidatie van Pectacon voor Van Pels had, is niet bekend. Toen Peter met Anne over 'z’n leven thuis' sprak, had hij het ook over zwart handelen.[20]
\r\n\r\nVolgens Annes dagboek had Van Pels eind ’42 echter al geldproblemen.[21] Hij was degene die over de noodzakelijke contacten in de slagerswereld beschikte,[22] en daarmee dus een belangrijke rol had in de voedselvoorziening. Er ontstond tussen de families Van Pels en Frank wrijving over geld en de verdeling van het voedsel. Volgens Annes dagboek verloor Van Pels een portemonnee met daarin honderd gulden.[23] Van Pels was blijkens enkele notities een straffe roker.[24] Dat moet een flinke kostenpost zijn geweest. Evidente geldnood van Van Pels leidde ertoe dat de bontmantel van mevrouw moest worden verkocht. Naar verluidt leverde die 325 gulden op.[25]
\r\n\r\nBij zijn komst naar Nederland gaf Pfeffer te kennen dat hij beschikte over een vermogen van ongeveer vierduizend gulden.[26] Een deel hiervan bestond uit certificaten van General Motors.[27] Volgens notities van de Amsterdamse Vreemdelingendienst werd hij aanvankelijk gesteund door het Comité voor Joodsche Vluchtelingen en later door zijn vader.[28] Over Liro-afdrachten is niets bekend. Hij was in het Achterhuis de facto een soort kamerhuurder van de familie Frank. Hij kon – evenals de Franks – nog beschikken over reguliere distributiebonnen. Verder was hij medicus en tandarts, wat natuurlijk ook een nuttige inbreng was.
\r\n\r\nHet is niet bekend wat Pfeffer aan geld of waardevolle spullen meebracht naar het Achterhuis, en wat er bij de Liro terechtkwam. Bij de inval in het Achterhuis gaf Pfeffer volgens Kugler op de vraag naar kostbaarheden een rol goudstukken aan Silberbauer.[29]
\r\n\r\nOtto schreef in zijn voordracht aan Yad Vashem dat Kugler goederen verkocht zonder de opbrengst in te boeken, en zo geld kon doorsluizen naar de onderduikers.[30] De onderduikers vulden ook pakjes jus voor Gies & Co.[31] Uit Annes dagboek komt bovendien verschillende keren naar voren dat zij in de avonduren administratie voor de bedrijven bijhielden.[32] De bedrijven moesten de huur van het pand toch al opbrengen. Gies & Co. was hoofdhuurder. Opekta droeg als onderhuurder bij.[33] Wie de elektriciteit en brandstof voor de onderduikers betaalde is niet bekend. Het blijkt wel dat bedrijven en onderduikers elkaar zo hielpen.
\r\n\r\nVerder werd er dus vooral op de reserves ingeteerd. Toen Van Pels eind ’42 al krap kwam te zitten, schrijft Anne dat haar vader nog wel geld had.[34] Zo’n anderhalf jaar later moest ze echter toch erkennen dat 'de bodem van de zwarte kas […] te zien [is].'[35] Tijdens een huiselijke ruzie sprak Edith de mening uit dat 'iedereen maar op z’n eigen centen moest leven.'[36] De bedragen die met een en ander gemoeid waren, kennen we niet.
\r\n\r\nOndanks nauwelijks tot geen inkomsten, gingen de uitgaven tijdens de onderduik gewoon door. Eten moest worden gekocht, nog los van het feit dat daarvoor deels ook nog kostbare clandestiene bonnen nodig waren. Anne schrijft dat ze 'land’-bonkaarten kochten in plaats van ‘stad’-bonnen. Deze kostten 33 gulden en waren daarmee goedkoper. Verder konden de broodbonnen hiervan doorverkocht worden, omdat bakker Siemons ‘bonloos’ brood leverde in ruil voor melksuiker. Die broodbonnen leverden twaalf gulden per keer op.[34] Hoeveel van die landbonnen werden ge- en verkocht, en hoe lang die regeling duurde, is onbekend. Over de gehele periode is wel aan te geven wat de voorgeschreven prijzen voor allerlei producten waren, maar dat wil natuurlijk niet zeggen dat de helpers ze daar ook steeds voor konden krijgen. Verder hadden de onderduikers natuurlijk geld nodig voor kleding en brandstof. Bovendien zullen er kosten verbonden zijn geweest aan de aanvoer van bibliotheekboeken en van de tijdschriften die Kugler meebracht.
\r\n\r\nAlle officiële vermogensbestanddelen van Joden werden via de Liro-verordeningen en andere maatregelen aan hen ontnomen. Aangezien de onderduikers toch hun onderkomen hebben kunnen inrichten en zich van levensmiddelen hebben kunnen voorzien, moet als zeker worden aangenomen dat allen op een of andere wijze geld hebben weten te reserveren. Dit geld was dan uiteraard ook niet aan de Liro afgedragen.
\r\n\r\nToen in juli ‘42 de deportaties begonnen, was onduidelijk hoelang de bezetting nog zou duren. Vrijwel niemand voorzag echter dat dat zo lang zou zijn. In veel gevallen droogden de financiële middelen in de loop van 1944 op. Als de beweringen van Otto Frank, Silberbauer en Kugler juist zijn, waren er bij de arrestatie desondanks nog geld en kostbaarheden aanwezig.
\r\n\r\nDetails on the financing of the period in hiding are scarce, mostly unclear in nature and thus not very useful for serious calculations. Therefore, this is only a global overview. There are, however, sporadic details on the financial position of the Frank and Van Pels families, and of Fritz Pfeffer in the preceding years. In addition, the diary provides information on household money issues. Ordinance VO148/41, which came into force on 8 August 1941, stipulated that Jews had to deposit their cash and cheques in excess of one thousand guilders with banking firm Lippmann Rosenthal & Co. They also had to deposit securities and balances and deposits at other institutions there.[1] This was followed on 21 May 1942 by ordinance VO58/42, which required the surrender of jewellery and precious metals. A household was then allowed to dispose of 250 guilders per month.[2] These measures are known as the first and second Liro regulations.
\r\n\r\nMore people went into hiding: in addition to Jews, people sent to work in Germany who remained in the Netherlands after leave, and Dutch soldiers who wanted to evade captivity. All these people needed means of subsistence. Recent research suggests that in the first phase of the deportations, i.e. until May 1943, the Jewish category relied mainly on their own resources.[3] Despite the harsh measures with which the German authorities organised the looting of Jewish property, self-employed people had more opportunities to set aside 'black' money for a clandestine existence. Anne's diary entries show this implicitly, although money shortages emerged during 1944.
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank earned enough to live on with his family. In the 1938-1939 fiscal year, his income tax assessment was based on an income of 3,650 guilders.[4] The rent for the house on Merwedeplein was 70 guilders a month including heating.[5] In February 1933, according to an advertisement in the block, this was the cheapest option. By comparison, in the same year a doctor in Het Apeldoornsche Bosch earned 4,500 guilders plus free housing.[6] According to data from Netherlands Statistics, the average income of an assessed person in that year was 2,150 guilders.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn 1941 and 1942, Otto Frank surrendered assets and bank balances worth some thirteen thousand guilders pursuant to the Liro regulations.[8] Furthermore, he suffered financial losses by having to step down as director of Opekta. He received compensation of 4,800 guilders only after his return.[9] In the summer of 1945, he informed Erich Elias that he had lent 135 guilders for hiding through Hans Goslar, which he had not yet been paid back.[10]
\r\n\r\nSo, although he was apparently still able to lend money, his economic position on the eve of going into hiding was not completely favourable. Anne writes in her 1944 diary (B version, with the date 13 January 1943) 'we supposedly eat our money.'[11] Nevertheless, in early 1944 Otto and Edith planned to give Anne and Margot both five hundred guilders to take with them in the event of an evacuation of the western Netherlands. They themselves wanted to take one thousand guilders each.[12] This would mean that at that point they still had three thousand guilders at their disposal, while Anne said there were also dollars.[12] A few weeks later, the Franks wanted to sell a chest, but found the offer made for it of four hundred guilders too low.[13] This indicated that their situation was not yet quite desperate. So either there had to have been a considerable clandestine reserve or the companies were able to furnish this cash.
\r\n\r\nAt the time of the arrest, according to Otto Frank, Silberbauer asked for money and jewellery, which they then handed over.[14] When asked, Silberbauer expressed himself in similar terms.[15] This indicates that money and jewellery were still there in August 1944, although the value remains unknown.
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels entered Otto Frank's service when the three thousand guilders[16] with which he came to the Netherlands were completely exhausted.[17] He ran a textile business with his brother-in-law Max Goldschmidt for some time,[18] but what they made is unknown. At Pectacon he earned reasonably good money. According to Otto Frank, he and his family were able to live well from it, but were not able to save money.[17] The family paid 75 guilders a month in rent, including heating.[19] It is not known what financial consequences the liquidation of Pectacon had for Van Pels. When Peter talked to Anne about 'his life at home', he also mentioned black marketeering.[20]
\r\n\r\nHowever, according to Anne's diary, Van Pels already had money problems by the end of 1942.[21] He was the one who had the necessary contacts in the butchery world[22] and thus had an important role in food supply. Friction arose between the Van Pels and Frank families over money and the distribution of food. According to Anne's diary, Van Pels lost a wallet containing 100 guilders.[23] According to some notes, Van Pels was a heavy smoker.[24] That must have been a considerable expense. Van Pels' evident need for money led to the sale of the lady's fur coat. It reportedly fetched 325 guilders.[25]
\r\n\r\nUpon his arrival in the Netherlands, Pfeffer revealed that he had assets of about four thousand guilders.[26] Part of this consisted of depositary receipts on shares in General Motors.[27] According to notes from the Amsterdam Aliens Department, he was initially supported by the Committee for Jewish Refugees and later by his father.[28] Nothing is known about Liro payments. In the Secret Annex, he was de facto a kind of room tenant of the Frank family. He - like the Franks - still had regular access to distribution vouchers. Furthermore, he was a medic and a dentist, which of course was also a useful contribution.
\r\n\r\nIt is not known what Pfeffer brought to the Secret Annex in terms of money or valuables, and what ended up at the Liro. According to Kugler when asked about valuables during the raid in the Secrat Annex, Pfeffer handed a roll of gold pieces to Silberbauer.[29]
\r\n\r\nOtto wrote in his talk to Yad Vashem that Kugler sold goods without recording the proceeds, and could thus channel money to the people in the Secret Annex.[30] The people in the Secret Annex also filled packets of gravy for Gies & Co.[31] Anne's diary also reveals several times that they kept the books for the companies in the evenings.[32] The companies had to pay the rent for the building anyway. Gies & Co. was the main tenant. Opekta contributed as a subtenant.[33] Who paid for the electricity and fuel for the people in the Secret Annex is not known. It does appear that businesses and people in hiding helped each other in this way.
\r\n\r\nOther than that, therefore, most of their funds were derived by depleting their reserves. When Van Pels was already running low on funds in late 1942, Anne writes that her father still had money.[34] About a year and a half later, however, she still had to acknowledge that "The bottom of our black moneybox is in sight".[35] During a domestic argument, Edith expressed the opinion that 'everyone should live on their own money'.[36] We do not know the amounts involved.
\r\n\r\nDespite little to no income, expenses continued during the hiding period. Food had to be bought, not to mention the fact that some of it required expensive clandestine vouchers. Anne writes that they bought 'country' coupon cards instead of 'city' coupons. These cost 33 guilders and were thus cheaper. Furthermore, the bread coupons of these could be resold, as baker Siemons supplied 'boneless' bread in exchange for lactose. Such bread coupons fetched 12 guilders a time.[34] How many of these country coupons were bought and sold, and how long this arrangement lasted, is unknown. Over the entire period, it is possible to indicate what the set prices for all kinds of products were, but of course that does not mean that the helpers could always get them for those prices. Furthermore, the people in hiding would also clearly have needed money for clothing and fuel. There would also have been costs for the supply of library books and magazines brought by Kugler.
\r\n\r\nAll official assets of Jews were taken away from them through Liro regulations and other measures. Since those in hiding were nevertheless able to furnish their shelters and provide themselves with food, it must be assumed as certain that all of them had managed to set aside money in one way or another. This money, then, had obviously not been remitted to the Liro.
\r\n\r\nWhen deportations began in July 1942, it was unclear how long the occupation would last. However, almost no one foresaw that it would be as long as it was. In many cases, funds dried up during 1944. If the claims of Otto Frank, Silberbauer and Kugler are correct, money and valuables were nevertheless still there when they were arrested.
\r\n\r\nIn Anne Frank's diaries, the theme of health comes up regularly. The people in hiding suffered from various ailments. The helpers were not spared either, and Johannes Kleiman in particular suffered serious health problems. Anne also writes about her physical development and (pending) menstruation.
\r\n\r\nTo begin with, Anne herself had several health issues. By her own account, she was not allowed to eat any salt,[1] which is possibly explained by Otto Frank's later statements about his daughter's heart problems.[2] In addition, Ernst Schnabel wrote in 1958, based on conversations with former neighbour girl Toos Buiteman-Kupers, that Anne could not do a handstand.[3] In her diary, Anne wrote that her arms and legs dislocated during physical exercises.[4] She was therefore never allowed to go to gymnastics classes either.[5] A classmate at the Montessori school related decades later that Anne could dislocate her own arm.[6] Otto Frank wrote in the 1970s that she did take rhythmic gymnastics lessons.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn October 1942, 13-year-old Anne wrote that she expected to have her first period soon.[7] The average age for the first menstruation at that time was around 14.1 years, according to a German study from 1954.[8] She returned to the subject in January 1944, and by then it had 'only happened three times'.[9] She also studied her vagina, noting that it was getting wider.[10] Around the same time, she noted that she had gained 8½ kilos since coming to the Secret Annex.[11] There was not much wrong with her health and development at that time.
\r\n\r\nAnne also noted the weight of the other people in the Secret Annex, when they had all been on the scales. Still, of course, conditions were not optimal. In late October 1942, Anne and Margot had bad colds.[12] Anne was then sick in bed for two more days.[13] A year later, she was bedridden with 'flu for another week and a half. She reluctantly allowed herself to be examined by Fritz Pfeffer, who was, after all, a doctor.[14] In April 1944, she had a sore throat, and to make matters worse, Margot and her parents also caught it from her.[15] A few days later, Mrs Van Pels was also ill.[16]
\r\n\r\nThe hiding situation also put pressure on the mental well-being of those in hiding. Anne took valerian to combat anxiety and depression.[17] One valerian pill was among her 1943 Saint Nicholas presents.[18]
\r\n\r\nAnne complained of headaches several times in her diary.[19] In the B version, she also writes about the deterioration of her vision: 'I have become very short-sighted and ought to have had glasses for a long time already [...]'. According to this note, her parents even toyed with the idea of asking Ms Kleiman to take her to an ophthalmologist. However, this was deemed too risky.[20] Her mother did not want Anne to participate in a calligraphy course because of the condition of her eyes.[21]
\r\n\r\nAs mentioned, Pfeffer was the doctor of the group. He initially studied medicine and then dentistry.[22] As an experienced dentist, he naturally concerned himself with the teeth of the others. Anne's writings show that he offered oral care to at least Anne, Peter and Mrs Van Pels.[23]
\r\n\r\nWhen several helpers were ill at the same time, this immediately brought problems. Once, Miep Gies and Jo Kleiman were both ill while Victor Kugler was due to be sent to carry out digging work in Hilversum. At that time only Bep was available, and the warehouse was closed to provide some relief for the people in hiding.[24] Miep was absent for some time during this period; she had caught a bad cold during Henk van Beusekom's wedding in the Westerkerk.[25]
\r\n\r\nAbout Kleiman, Anne writes that he had regular stomach ulcers.[26] In a letter to Yad Vashem, Otto Frank made a link between Kleiman's stomach complaints and the tensions surrounding going into hiding.[27] Those tensions must not have done him any good either. However, Kleiman had been struggling with these complaints for years, and would undergo major ulcer surgery in 1951. After that, he did well and had no more bleeding.[28]
\r\n\r\nAt the end of '43, Bep was absent because one of her sisters had diphtheria. In Amsterdam, over 7,500 people were infected with that disease in 1943, about three-quarters of whom were nursed at home.[29] Because of the danger of infection, housemates of these patients were naturally cautious. Consequently, Bep did not come to work.
\r\n\r\nBep's father Johan worked in the warehouse and had made the bookcase.[30] However, illness forced him to resign that position.[31] The diary discusses the serious deterioration of his condition.[32]
\r\n\r\nThe general theme of health also included the health of the animals in the building. Mouschi had been brought in by Peter as a pet. The other cats were there for the purpose of controlling rodents, and thus for the benefit of hygiene in the company. Although Peter took on much of the care of the warehouse cats, they were in fact part of the 'machinery' of Opekta and Gies & Co. - and thus belonged to the world of the helpers. In early 1944, company cat Boche was ill, and was taken to the 'dog and cat clinic' by Miep. The vet determined that Boche had an intestinal issue and prescribed a medicinal drink.[33]
\r\n\r\nDuring the two years in the Secret Annex, there was of course a risk that one of the people there would die. There is no mention of this in the diary, but Kugler later claimed that arrangements had been made about what to do in the event of a death.[34] There are examples of such problems. Among them, Presser mentions some police reports that concerned people who died while in hiding.[35] That the risk of a death was discussed is quite conceivable, but apart from Kugler, none of those involved spoke out about it. Nor did the situation arise. As to how things would have been resolved, of course, we can only speculate.
\r\n\r\nWith eight people in a damp and moderately ventilated house, always staying indoors and not optimally fed, it was hardly surprising that colds and flu occurred regularly. Diary entries show that this was a regular occurrence. The people in the Secret Annex depended on their helpers for medicines and the like, and on Pfeffer for more serious medical care.
\r\n\r\nOther health-related issues were experiencced by the three teenagers growing up. They faced puberty issues, and Anne writes about how she experienced her own physical and sexual development. In the case of Margot and Peter, this remains unclear. Anne's texts are also inconclusive about the related tensions and problems, both in the children and in the adults. Epidemic diseases like diphtheria and scarlet fever, certainly not unknown phenomena in Amsterdam during the war years, were kept at bay partly due to the caution of the helpers.
\r\n\r\nIn de dagboeken van Anne Frank komt het thema ‘gezondheid’ regelmatig naar voren. De onderduikers hadden te maken met verschillende kwaaltjes. Ook de helpers bleven niet gespaard, en met name Johannes Kleiman kreeg met serieuze gezondheidsproblemen te kampen. Verder schrijft Anne over haar lichamelijke ontwikkeling en (aanstaande) menstruatie.
\r\n\r\nOm te beginnen had Anne zelf verschillende gezondheidskwesties. Ze mocht naar eigen zeggen geen zout,[1] wat mogelijk perspectief krijgt door Otto Franks latere uitspraken over hartklachten van zijn dochter.[2] Daarnaast schreef Ernst Schnabel in 1958 op basis van gesprekken met oud-buurmeisje Toos Buiteman-Kupers dat Anne geen handstand kon.[3] In haar dagboek schrijft Anne dat haar armen en benen uit de kom schoten bij lichamelijke oefeningen.[4] Ze mocht daarom ook nooit met gymnastiek meedoen.[5] Een klasgenoot van de Montessorischool vertelde decennia later dat Anne zelf haar arm uit de kom kon halen.[6] Otto Frank schreef in de jaren zeventig dat ze wel lessen ritmische gymnastiek volgde.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn oktober 1942 schrijft de dertienjarige Anne dat ze verwachtte dat ze binnenkort ongesteld zou worden.[7] De gemiddelde leeftijd voor de eerste menstruatie lag toen volgens een Duits onderzoek uit 1954 rond 14,1 jaar.[8] In januari 1944 komt ze erop terug, en toen was het 'nog maar drie keer gebeurd.[9]. Ook bestudeerde ze haar vagina, en constateerde dat die steeds wijder werd.[10] Rond dezelfde tijd constateerde ze dat ze sinds haar komst naar het Achterhuis 8½ kilo was aangekomen.[11] Met haar gezondheid en ontwikkeling was op dat moment niet veel mis.
\r\n\r\nVan de andere onderduikers noteerde Anne ook het gewicht, als allen op de weegschaal waren geweest. Toch waren de omstandigheden natuurlijk niet optimaal. Eind oktober 1942 waren Anne en Margot erg verkouden.[12] Anne lag toen nog twee dagen ziek in bed.[13] Een jaar later lag ze met griep nog eens anderhalve week op bed. Ze liet zich met tegenzin door Fritz Pfeffer, die tenslotte medicus was, onderzoeken.[14] In april 1944 had ze keelpijn, en stak tot overmaat van ramp Margot en haar ouders aan.[15] Enkele dagen later was ook mevrouw Van Pels ziek.[16]
\r\n\r\nDe onderduiksituatie drukte ook op het geestelijk welzijn van de onderduikers. Anne slikte valeriaantjes tegen angst en depressie.[17] Eén valeriaantje behoorde tot haar Sinterklaascadeaus van 1943.[18]
\r\n\r\nAnne klaagde in haar dagboek meerdere keren over hoofdpijnen.[19] In de B-versie schrijft ze ook over de verslechtering van haar zicht: 'Ik ben erg bijziend geworden en moest allang een bril hebben [...].' Volgens deze notitie speelden haar ouders zelfs met de gedachte mevrouw Kleiman te vragen met haar naar een oogarts te gaan. Dat werd echter te riskant bevonden.[20] Haar moeder wilde niet dat Anne aan de cursus ‘Schoonschrijven’ meedeed, vanwege de toestand van haar ogen.[21]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was zoals bleek de medicus van het gezelschap. Hij studeerde aanvankelijk medicijnen en vervolgens tandheelkunde.[22] Als ervaren tandarts hield hij zich uiteraard ook met de gebitten van zijn lotgenoten bezig. Uit Annes geschriften blijkt dat hij in ieder geval Anne, Peter en mevrouw Van Pels mondzorg bood.[23]
\r\n\r\nToen meerdere helpers tegelijk ziek waren, bracht dat direct problemen met zich mee. Eenmaal waren Miep Gies en Jo Kleiman allebei ziek terwijl er voor Victor Kugler spitwerk in Hilversum dreigde. Dan was alleen nog Bep beschikbaar, en werd het magazijn gesloten om de onderduikers enigszins te ontlasten.[24] Miep was in deze periode geruime tijd afwezig; tijdens het huwelijk van Henk van Beusekom in de Westerkerk had ze een zware verkoudheid opgelopen.[25]
\r\n\r\nOver Kleiman schrijft Anne dat hij regelmatig maagbloedingen had.[26] In een brief aan Yad Vashem legde Otto Frank verband tussen Kleimans maagklachten en de spanningen rond de onderduik.[27] Die spanningen zullen hem ook geen goed hebben gedaan. Kleiman tobde echter al jarenlang met deze klachten, en zou in 1951 een zware maagzweeroperatie ondergaan. Daarna ging het goed en had hij geen bloedingen meer.[28]
\r\n\r\nEind 1943 was Bep afwezig omdat een van haar zusjes difterie had. In Amsterdam waren in het hele jaar 1943 ruim 7.500 mensen met die ziekte besmet, waarvan zo’n driekwart thuis werd verpleegd.[29] Vanwege besmettingsgevaar waren huisgenoten van deze patiënten uiteraard voorzichtig. Bep kwam dan ook niet naar haar werk.
\r\n\r\nBeps vader Johan werkte in het magazijn en had de boekenkast gemaakt.[30] Door ziekte moest hij die functie echter neerleggen.[31] In het dagboek komt de ernstige verslechtering van zijn toestand ter sprake.[32]
\r\n\r\nBij het algemene gezondheidsthema hoorde ook de gezondheid van de dieren in het gebouw. Mouschi was door Peter meegebracht als gezelschapsdier. De andere katten waren er met het oog op knaagdiervraat, en dus ten dienste van de bedrijfshygiëne. Hoewel Peter veel van de zorg voor de pakhuiskatten op zich nam, waren zij in feite tot het ‘machinepark’ van Opekta en Gies & Co. - en dus tot de wereld van de helpers - te rekenen. Begin 1944 was bedrijfskat Moffi ziek, en werd door Miep naar de ‘honden- en kattenkliniek’ gebracht. De dierenarts stelde vast dat Moffi iets aan de ingewanden had en schreef een drankje voor.[33]
\r\n\r\nGedurende de twee jaar in het Achterhuis bestond er natuurlijk kans op overlijden van een van de onderduikers. Er staat niets over in het dagboek, maar Kugler stelde later dat er afspraken waren gemaakt over wat te doen bij een sterfgeval.[34] Er zijn voorbeelden van zulke problemen. Presser noemt onder meer enkele politiemeldingen die op overleden onderduikers betrekking hadden.[35] Dat er over het risico van een sterfgeval werd gesproken, is heel goed denkbaar, maar buiten Kugler heeft geen van de betrokkenen zich er over uitgelaten. De situatie heeft zich ook niet voorgedaan. Over de vraag hoe een en ander zou zijn opgelost, is uiteraard slechts speculatie mogelijk.
\r\n\r\nHet is niet vreemd dat zich onder een achttal mensen in een vochtig en matig geventileerd huis, altijd binnen blijvend en niet optimaal doorvoed, regelmatig verkoudheden en griep voordeden. Uit de dagboeknotities blijkt dat dit dan ook geregeld voorkwam. De onderduikers waren afhankelijk van hun helpers voor geneesmiddelen en dergelijke, en van Pfeffer voor serieuzere medische verzorging.
\r\n\r\nAndere aan het gezondheidsthema verwante kwesties kenden de drie opgroeiende tieners. Bij hen deden zich puberteitskwesties voor, en Anne schrijft over hoe zij haar eigen lichamelijke en seksuele ontwikkeling heeft ervaren. Van Margot en Peter blijft dit onduidelijk. Over de spanningen en problemen die hiermee samenhingen, zowel bij de kinderen als bij de volwassenen, geven Annes teksten evenmin uitsluitsel. Epidemische ziektes als difterie en roodvonk, in de oorlogsjaren in Amsterdam zeker geen onbekende verschijnselen, bleven mede door voorzichtigheid van de helpers buiten de deur.
\r\n\r\nIn Anne Frank's diaries, the theme of health comes up regularly. The people in hiding suffered from various ailments. The helpers were not spared either, and Johannes Kleiman in particular suffered serious health problems. Anne also writes about her physical development and (pending) menstruation.
\r\n\r\nTo begin with, Anne herself had several health issues. By her own account, she was not allowed to eat any salt,[1] which is possibly explained by Otto Frank's later statements about his daughter's heart problems.[2] In addition, Ernst Schnabel wrote in 1958, based on conversations with former neighbour girl Toos Buiteman-Kupers, that Anne could not do a handstand.[3] In her diary, Anne wrote that her arms and legs dislocated during physical exercises.[4] She was therefore never allowed to go to gymnastics classes either.[5] A classmate at the Montessori school related decades later that Anne could dislocate her own arm.[6] Otto Frank wrote in the 1970s that she did take rhythmic gymnastics lessons.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn October 1942, 13-year-old Anne wrote that she expected to have her first period soon.[7] The average age for the first menstruation at that time was around 14.1 years, according to a German study from 1954.[8] She returned to the subject in January 1944, and by then it had 'only happened three times'.[9] She also studied her vagina, noting that it was getting wider.[10] Around the same time, she noted that she had gained 8½ kilos since coming to the Secret Annex.[11] There was not much wrong with her health and development at that time.
\r\n\r\nAnne also noted the weight of the other people in the Secret Annex, when they had all been on the scales. Still, of course, conditions were not optimal. In late October 1942, Anne and Margot had bad colds.[12] Anne was then sick in bed for two more days.[13] A year later, she was bedridden with 'flu for another week and a half. She reluctantly allowed herself to be examined by Fritz Pfeffer, who was, after all, a doctor.[14] In April 1944, she had a sore throat, and to make matters worse, Margot and her parents also caught it from her.[15] A few days later, Mrs Van Pels was also ill.[16]
\r\n\r\nThe hiding situation also put pressure on the mental well-being of those in hiding. Anne took valerian to combat anxiety and depression.[17] One valerian pill was among her 1943 Saint Nicholas presents.[18]
\r\n\r\nAnne complained of headaches several times in her diary.[19] In the B version, she also writes about the deterioration of her vision: 'I have become very short-sighted and ought to have had glasses for a long time already [...]'. According to this note, her parents even toyed with the idea of asking Ms Kleiman to take her to an ophthalmologist. However, this was deemed too risky.[20] Her mother did not want Anne to participate in a calligraphy course because of the condition of her eyes.[21]
\r\n\r\nAs mentioned, Pfeffer was the doctor of the group. He initially studied medicine and then dentistry.[22] As an experienced dentist, he naturally concerned himself with the teeth of the others. Anne's writings show that he offered oral care to at least Anne, Peter and Mrs Van Pels.[23]
\r\n\r\nWhen several helpers were ill at the same time, this immediately brought problems. Once, Miep Gies and Jo Kleiman were both ill while Victor Kugler was due to be sent to carry out digging work in Hilversum. At that time only Bep was available, and the warehouse was closed to provide some relief for the people in hiding.[24] Miep was absent for some time during this period; she had caught a bad cold during Henk van Beusekom's wedding in the Westerkerk.[25]
\r\n\r\nAbout Kleiman, Anne writes that he had regular stomach ulcers.[26] In a letter to Yad Vashem, Otto Frank made a link between Kleiman's stomach complaints and the tensions surrounding going into hiding.[27] Those tensions must not have done him any good either. However, Kleiman had been struggling with these complaints for years, and would undergo major ulcer surgery in 1951. After that, he did well and had no more bleeding.[28]
\r\n\r\nAt the end of '43, Bep was absent because one of her sisters had diphtheria. In Amsterdam, over 7,500 people were infected with that disease in 1943, about three-quarters of whom were nursed at home.[29] Because of the danger of infection, housemates of these patients were naturally cautious. Consequently, Bep did not come to work.
\r\n\r\nBep's father Johan worked in the warehouse and had made the bookcase.[30] However, illness forced him to resign that position.[31] The diary discusses the serious deterioration of his condition.[32]
\r\n\r\nThe general theme of health also included the health of the animals in the building. Mouschi had been brought in by Peter as a pet. The other cats were there for the purpose of controlling rodents, and thus for the benefit of hygiene in the company. Although Peter took on much of the care of the warehouse cats, they were in fact part of the 'machinery' of Opekta and Gies & Co. - and thus belonged to the world of the helpers. In early 1944, company cat Boche was ill, and was taken to the 'dog and cat clinic' by Miep. The vet determined that Boche had an intestinal issue and prescribed a medicinal drink.[33]
\r\n\r\nDuring the two years in the Secret Annex, there was of course a risk that one of the people there would die. There is no mention of this in the diary, but Kugler later claimed that arrangements had been made about what to do in the event of a death.[34] There are examples of such problems. Among them, Presser mentions some police reports that concerned people who died while in hiding.[35] That the risk of a death was discussed is quite conceivable, but apart from Kugler, none of those involved spoke out about it. Nor did the situation arise. As to how things would have been resolved, of course, we can only speculate.
\r\n\r\nWith eight people in a damp and moderately ventilated house, always staying indoors and not optimally fed, it was hardly surprising that colds and flu occurred regularly. Diary entries show that this was a regular occurrence. The people in the Secret Annex depended on their helpers for medicines and the like, and on Pfeffer for more serious medical care.
\r\n\r\nOther health-related issues were experiencced by the three teenagers growing up. They faced puberty issues, and Anne writes about how she experienced her own physical and sexual development. In the case of Margot and Peter, this remains unclear. Anne's texts are also inconclusive about the related tensions and problems, both in the children and in the adults. Epidemic diseases like diphtheria and scarlet fever, certainly not unknown phenomena in Amsterdam during the war years, were kept at bay partly due to the caution of the helpers.
\r\n\r\nWhen Anne went into hiding on 6 July 1942, Moortje the cat had to stay behind with her neighbours at Merwedeplein. Anne would meet four other cats during the more than two years she spent in hiding, but she still thought back to Moortje regularly. Below is a list of all the cats.
\r\n\r\nAnne first reported the existence of Moortje the cat in a letter to her grandmother in Switzerland in April 1942. Moortje had then been living with them for six months and Anne fervently hoped for kittens since Moortje was often out and about.[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 6 July 1942, she had to say goodbye to Moortje. Moortje was not allowed to come with her into hiding. Her parents left a note and meat for the neighbours asking them to take care of Moortje. At least that's how Anne wrote it down in her 'novel' about the Secret Annex, the text she wrote with a view to possible publication after the war.[2] However, in her diary she did not mention saying goodbye to Moortje. And according to Toosje Kupers, a girl who lived next door to Anne, Moortje was already placed with them a few weeks before they left to go into hiding.[3]
\r\n\r\nBe that as it may, in the shelter Anne still regularly thought of Moortje. "There's always a tiny black cat roaming around the yard and it reminds me of my dear sweet Moortje."[4] Even barely a month before the arrest, Anne was still thinking about Moortje. She regarded 'Scharminkeltje' (see below) as 'the new Moortje from the warehouse'.[5] After the war, it would turn out that the neighbours had had to put down a weakened and sick Moortje during the war, presumably in mid-1944.[6]
\r\n\r\nThe Frank family went into hiding in the Secret Annex on 6 July 1942. A week later, the Van Pels family joined them. Anne knew by then - perhaps somewhat indignantly - that Peter would be bringing his cat Mouschi with him to the hiding place. According to helper Miep Gies, 'a skinny black tomcat'.[7] In the first weeks, it took Anne a while to get used to Mouschi: 'Mouschi, the cat, is becoming nicer to me as time goes by, but I'm still somewhat afraid of her.'[8]
\r\n\r\nA few weeks later, she wasn't scared any more. 'Musschi [sic] is back with mother now, just like a baby kitten, I have her all covered up and she looks cute.'[9] Apart from being a companion, Mouschi also kept the rats and mice at bay. When rats were seen in the attic of the Secret Annex, Mouschi had to sleep there. The rats stayed away temporarily, but it was not an overwhelming success. Peter was severely bitten in the arm by a rat when he went to the attic to get old newspapers.
\r\n\r\nMouschi also brought fleas into the Secret Annex. 'The house is crawling with fleas, it's getting worse by the day,' Anne sighed on 3 August 1943.[10] Fortunately, helper Johannes Kleiman was able to obtain flea powder, but according to Anne, the fleas didn't really care. 'It's making us all very jittery; we're forever imagining a bite on our arms and legs or other parts of our bodies.'[10]
\r\n\r\nWhen they were all arrested a year later, Mouschi presumably fled. The only person who noted anything about his fate is Miep Gies: 'During the arrest he must have run away and hid until now. "Come, Mouschi," I said firmly. "Come with me to the kitchen and get some milk. You will stay with me and Elli (Bep) in the office now."'[11]
\r\n\r\nBoche [Moffie] and Tommie were the company's cats. These were not their original names; during the war their names had been changed. Anne explains this in her diary: 'For a while the firm Gies & Co. had two cats: one for the warehouse and one for the attic. Their paths crossed from time to time, which invariably resulted in a fight. The warehouse cat was always the aggressor, while the attic cat was ultimately the victor, just as in politics. So the warehouse cat was named the German or "Boche", and the attic cat the Englishman or "Tommy".'[12] What happened to Tommy/Tommie, Anne does not mention. 'They got rid of Tommy.'[12]
\r\n\r\nBoche did spend some time at Prinsengracht. According to Miep, it was 'a big fat black and white cat with a somewhat battered head.'[13] And Anne reports in her diary: 'The cat flipped himself over and stood up on his little white feet.'[14]
\r\n\r\nPeter initially suspected that Boche was a female cat, because she was getting fatter and fatter. He even expected she would have kittens. Anne had a different explanation: she suspected it was from the many stolen bones. Eventually he realised his mistake and showed Anne at the warehouse that Boche was a male cat. "If any other boy had pointed out the 'male sexual organ' to me, I would never have given him a second glance. But Peter went on talking in a normal voice about what is otherwise a very awkward subject. Nor did he have any ulterior motives. By the time he was finished, I felt so much at ease that I started acting normally too."[14]
\r\n\r\nWhen Boche fell ill in April 1944 - 'He sat quite still and started drooling'[15] - Miep Gies took him to the vet. Something was wrong with his intestines. The medicine Miep brought along helped and Boche was soon back to normal. 'Peter gave it to him a few times, but Boche soon made himself scarce. I'll bet he was out courting his sweetheart.'[15]
\r\n\r\nIn May 1944, Boche disappeared without a trace, mostly to Peter's chagrin. 'Have I told you that our Boche has disappeared? We haven't seen hide nor hair of her since last Thursday. She's probably already in cat heaven, while some animal lover has turned her into a tasty dish. Perhaps some girl who can afford it will be wearing a cap made of Boche's fur. Peter is heartbroken.'[16]
\r\n\r\nDuring World War II, countless cats disappeared. Because of the food shortage, cat meat - which tastes like rabbit - was seen as an acceptable alternative. And cat fur was also used, as Anne's quote shows. Cat owners were strongly advised to keep their pets indoors.
\r\n\r\nScharminkeltje first appeared in Anne's diary in June 1944. 'The new warehouse cat',[17] evidently the replacement for Boche, was unfortunately not long for Prinsengracht. 'She sleeps in the cat box and does her business in the wood shavings. Impossible to keep her,' Anne noted succinctly.[18]
\r\n\r\nToen Anne op 6 juli 1942 ging onderduiken moest poes Moortje achterblijven bij de buren aan het Merwedeplein. Maar in de schuilplaats zou Anne in de ruim twee jaar dat zij daar ondergedoken zat nog vier andere katten tegenkomen. Maar zij denkt nog regelmatig terug aan Moortje. Hieronder alle katten op een rijtje.
\r\n\r\nMoortje Anne meldde het bestaan van poes Moortje voor de eerste keer in een brief in april 1942 aan haar oma in Zwitserland. Moortje was toen een half jaar bij hen in huis en Anne hoopte vurig op ‘kattenkindertjes’ aangezien Moortje nogal eens de hort op was.[1]
\r\n\r\nOp 6 juli 1942 moest zij afscheid nemen van Moortje. Moortje mocht niet mee naar de schuilplaats. Haar ouders lieten een briefje en vlees achter voor de buren met het verzoek om voor Moortje te zorgen. Tenminste zo noteerde Anne het in haar ‘roman’ over het Achterhuis, de tekst die zij schreef met het oog op een mogelijke publicatie na de oorlog.[2] Echter in haar dagboek meldde zij het afscheid van Moortje niet. En volgens Annes toenmalige buurmeisje Toosje Kupers werd Moortje al een paar weken voor het vertrek naar de schuilplaats bij hen ondergebracht.[3]
\r\n\r\nHoe het ook zij, in de schuilplaats dacht Anne nog regelmatig aan Moortje. ‘In de tuin, loopt nu altijd zo'n klein zwart poesje, dat doet mij dan weer aan mijn moortje denken, o, die schat.’[4] Ook krap een maand voor de arrestatie dacht Anne nog aan Moortje. ‘Scharminkeltje’ (zie verderop) beschouwde zij als ‘de nieuwe Moortje uit het magazijn’.[5] Na de oorlog zou blijken dat de buren een verzwakte en zieke Moortje tijdens de oorlog, vermoedelijk half 1944, hadden moeten laten inslapen.[6]
\r\n\r\nHet gezin Frank dook op 6 juli 1942 onder in het Achterhuis. Een week later voegde het gezin Van Pels zich bij hen. Anne wist toen al – misschien wel enigszins verontwaardigd – dat Peter zijn kat Mouschi mee zou nemen naar de schuilplaats. Volgens helpster Miep Gies ‘een magere zwarte kater’.[7] De eerste weken moest Anne flink wennen aan Mouschi. ‘Musschie [sic] (de kat) wordt hoe langer hoe aardiger en liever tegen mij, maar ik ben nog altijd een beetje bang voor haar.’[8]
\r\n\r\nEen paar weken later was van angst geen sprake meer. ‘Musschi [sic] ligt nu weer bij moeder, net als een babypoesje, ik heb haar helemaal toegedekt en ze ziet er snoezig uit.’[9] Behalve als gezelschap, hield Mouschi ook de ratten en muizen op afstand. Toen er ratten op de zolder van het Achterhuis gezien werden, moest Mouschi er slapen. De ratten bleven tijdelijk weg, maar een doorslaand succes was het niet. Peter werd flink in zijn arm gebeten door een rat, toen hij naar de vliering ging om oude kranten te halen.
\r\n\r\nMet Mouschi kwamen trouwens wel vlooien het Achterhuis in. ‘Het huis zit onder de vlooien, de plaag neemt met de dag toe’, verzuchtte Anne op 3 augustus 1943.[10] Gelukkig kon helper Johannes Kleiman vlooienpoeder regelen, maar volgens Anne trokken de vlooien zich daar weinig van aan. ‘We worden er allen zenuwachtig van, men denkt aldoor iets op arm, been of andere lichaamsdelen te voelen krabbelen.’[10]
\r\n\r\nToen de onderduikers een jaar later gearresteerd worden, vluchte Mouschi vermoedelijk weg. De enige die wat over zijn lot noteerde is Miep Gies: ‘Tijdens de arrestatie moest hij zijn weggerend en zich totnutoe hebben schuilgehouden. "Kom, Mouschi,"zei ik vastberaden. "Kom mee naar de keuken, dan krijg je wat melk. Jij blijft nu bij mij en Elli (Bep) in het kantoor."’[11]
\r\n\r\nMoffie en Tommie waren de katten van het bedrijf. Dat waren niet hun oorspronkelijke namen, gedurende de oorlog waren hun namen veranderd. Anne legt dat uit in haar dagboek: ‘Een tijdje had mij. Gies & Co twee katten, één voor 't magazijn en één voor de zolder. Het gebeurde wel eens dat die twee zich ontmoetten, wat altijd grote gevechten ten gevolg had. De magazijner was altijd diegene die aanviel, terwijl het zolder beest op het eind toch de overwinning behaalde. Net als in de politiek, dus werd de magazijnkat, de Duitser of Moffi en de zolderkat, de Engelsman of Tommi.’[12] Wat er met Tommi/Tommie gebeurd is, vermeldt Anne niet. ‘Tommi is later afgeschaft.’[12]
\r\n\r\nMoffi/Moffie zat wel een tijd in de Prinsengracht. Volgens Miep was het ‘een grote dike zwart-witte kater met een ietwat gehavende kop.’[13] En Anne meldt in haar dagboek: ‘De kat maakte nogmaals een halve draai en stond weer op z'n witte sokjes.’[14]
\r\n\r\nPeter vermoedde in eerste instantie dat Moffie een poes was, omdat zij steeds dikker werd. Hij verwachtte zelfs jonge katjes. Anne had een andere verklaring: zij vermoedde dat het van de vele gestolen boutjes kwam. Uiteindelijk besefte hij zijn vergissing en liet hij Anne in het magazijn zien dat Moffie een kater was. ‘Iedere andere jongen die me «het mannelijk geslachtsdeel» zou hebben gewezen, zou ik niet meer aangekeken hebben. Maar Peter sprak doodgewoon verder over het anders zo penibele onderwerp, had helemaal geen nare bijbedoelingen en stelde me op 't laatst in zoverre gerust dat ik ook gewoon werd.’[14]
\r\n\r\nToen Moffi in april 1944 ziek werd - ‘zij was erg stil en kwijlde’[15] – bracht Miep Gies hem naar de dierenarts. Er was iets mis met zijn ingewanden. Het drankje dat Miep meekreeg hielp en Moffie was al snel weer de oude. ‘Peter gaf haar een paar keer van dat drankje, maar al gauw liet Moffie zich niet meer zien en was dag en nacht op stap; zeker bij zijn meisje.’[15]
\r\n\r\nIn mei 1944 verdween Moffi spoorloos, vooral tot groot verdriet van Peter. ‘Heb ik je al verteld dat onze Moffi weg is? Sinds verleden week Donderdag spoorloos verdwenen. Ze zal zeker allang in de kattenhemel zijn, terwijl de een of andere dierenvriend van haar een lekker boutje maakt. Misschien krijgt een meisje dat geld heeft een muts van haar vel. Peter is over dit feit erg bedroefd.’[16]
\r\n\r\nTijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog verdwenen talloze katten. Door de voedselschaarste werd kattenvlees – smaakte als konijn – als acceptabel alternatief gezien. En ook het kattenvel werd gebruikt, zoals uit Annes citaat blijkt. Kattenhouders werd dringend geadviseerd om hun huisdier binnen te houden.
\r\n\r\nScharminkeltje dook in Annes dagboek voor het eerst op in juni 1944. ‘De nieuwe Moortje uit het magazijn’,[17] klaarblijkelijk de vervanger van Moffi, was helaas geen lang verblijf in de Prinsengracht beschoren. ‘Ze neemt de kattebak als slaapplaats en de verpakkings-houtwol als w.c. Onmogelijk te houden,' noteerde Anne kort en krachtig.[18]
\r\n\r\nWhen Anne went into hiding on 6 July 1942, Moortje the cat had to stay behind with her neighbours at Merwedeplein. Anne would meet four other cats during the more than two years she spent in hiding, but she still thought back to Moortje regularly. Below is a list of all the cats.
\r\n\r\nAnne first reported the existence of Moortje the cat in a letter to her grandmother in Switzerland in April 1942. Moortje had then been living with them for six months and Anne fervently hoped for kittens since Moortje was often out and about.[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 6 July 1942, she had to say goodbye to Moortje. Moortje was not allowed to come with her into hiding. Her parents left a note and meat for the neighbours asking them to take care of Moortje. At least that's how Anne wrote it down in her 'novel' about the Secret Annex, the text she wrote with a view to possible publication after the war.[2] However, in her diary she did not mention saying goodbye to Moortje. And according to Toosje Kupers, a girl who lived next door to Anne, Moortje was already placed with them a few weeks before they left to go into hiding.[3]
\r\n\r\nBe that as it may, in the shelter Anne still regularly thought of Moortje. "There's always a tiny black cat roaming around the yard and it reminds me of my dear sweet Moortje."[4] Even barely a month before the arrest, Anne was still thinking about Moortje. She regarded 'Scharminkeltje' (see below) as 'the new Moortje from the warehouse'.[5] After the war, it would turn out that the neighbours had had to put down a weakened and sick Moortje during the war, presumably in mid-1944.[6]
\r\n\r\nThe Frank family went into hiding in the Secret Annex on 6 July 1942. A week later, the Van Pels family joined them. Anne knew by then - perhaps somewhat indignantly - that Peter would be bringing his cat Mouschi with him to the hiding place. According to helper Miep Gies, 'a skinny black tomcat'.[7] In the first weeks, it took Anne a while to get used to Mouschi: 'Mouschi, the cat, is becoming nicer to me as time goes by, but I'm still somewhat afraid of her.'[8]
\r\n\r\nA few weeks later, she wasn't scared any more. 'Musschi [sic] is back with mother now, just like a baby kitten, I have her all covered up and she looks cute.'[9] Apart from being a companion, Mouschi also kept the rats and mice at bay. When rats were seen in the attic of the Secret Annex, Mouschi had to sleep there. The rats stayed away temporarily, but it was not an overwhelming success. Peter was severely bitten in the arm by a rat when he went to the attic to get old newspapers.
\r\n\r\nMouschi also brought fleas into the Secret Annex. 'The house is crawling with fleas, it's getting worse by the day,' Anne sighed on 3 August 1943.[10] Fortunately, helper Johannes Kleiman was able to obtain flea powder, but according to Anne, the fleas didn't really care. 'It's making us all very jittery; we're forever imagining a bite on our arms and legs or other parts of our bodies.'[10]
\r\n\r\nWhen they were all arrested a year later, Mouschi presumably fled. The only person who noted anything about his fate is Miep Gies: 'During the arrest he must have run away and hid until now. "Come, Mouschi," I said firmly. "Come with me to the kitchen and get some milk. You will stay with me and Elli (Bep) in the office now."'[11]
\r\n\r\nBoche [Moffie] and Tommie were the company's cats. These were not their original names; during the war their names had been changed. Anne explains this in her diary: 'For a while the firm Gies & Co. had two cats: one for the warehouse and one for the attic. Their paths crossed from time to time, which invariably resulted in a fight. The warehouse cat was always the aggressor, while the attic cat was ultimately the victor, just as in politics. So the warehouse cat was named the German or "Boche", and the attic cat the Englishman or "Tommy".'[12] What happened to Tommy/Tommie, Anne does not mention. 'They got rid of Tommy.'[12]
\r\n\r\nBoche did spend some time at Prinsengracht. According to Miep, it was 'a big fat black and white cat with a somewhat battered head.'[13] And Anne reports in her diary: 'The cat flipped himself over and stood up on his little white feet.'[14]
\r\n\r\nPeter initially suspected that Boche was a female cat, because she was getting fatter and fatter. He even expected she would have kittens. Anne had a different explanation: she suspected it was from the many stolen bones. Eventually he realised his mistake and showed Anne at the warehouse that Boche was a male cat. "If any other boy had pointed out the 'male sexual organ' to me, I would never have given him a second glance. But Peter went on talking in a normal voice about what is otherwise a very awkward subject. Nor did he have any ulterior motives. By the time he was finished, I felt so much at ease that I started acting normally too."[14]
\r\n\r\nWhen Boche fell ill in April 1944 - 'He sat quite still and started drooling'[15] - Miep Gies took him to the vet. Something was wrong with his intestines. The medicine Miep brought along helped and Boche was soon back to normal. 'Peter gave it to him a few times, but Boche soon made himself scarce. I'll bet he was out courting his sweetheart.'[15]
\r\n\r\nIn May 1944, Boche disappeared without a trace, mostly to Peter's chagrin. 'Have I told you that our Boche has disappeared? We haven't seen hide nor hair of her since last Thursday. She's probably already in cat heaven, while some animal lover has turned her into a tasty dish. Perhaps some girl who can afford it will be wearing a cap made of Boche's fur. Peter is heartbroken.'[16]
\r\n\r\nDuring World War II, countless cats disappeared. Because of the food shortage, cat meat - which tastes like rabbit - was seen as an acceptable alternative. And cat fur was also used, as Anne's quote shows. Cat owners were strongly advised to keep their pets indoors.
\r\n\r\nScharminkeltje first appeared in Anne's diary in June 1944. 'The new warehouse cat',[17] evidently the replacement for Boche, was unfortunately not long for Prinsengracht. 'She sleeps in the cat box and does her business in the wood shavings. Impossible to keep her,' Anne noted succinctly.[18]
\r\n\r\nThe inter-relationships encompass more than just those in the Secret Annex. They also include social relationships outside and even before going into hiding. These relationships can be separated into:
\r\n\r\nObviously, Anne's notes are a very important source. Insights can also be derived from later reactions, following publicity around the diary, the play and the film.
\r\n\r\nAnne regularly writes about her friends and classmates, as well as others from before going into hiding. Among other things, she describes classmates and teachers at the Montessori school. An important relationship for Anne was the one with her classmate Hanneli Goslar. She also mentions the entire class 1 L II and all her teachers at the Jewish Lyceum. She makes sweeping statements about some classmates at the Lyceum. Furthermore, she mentions everyone who came to her thirteenth birthday, and what they gave her as a present. She also mentions all kinds of people from the neighbourhood, especially children of a similar age like Peter Schiff, Hello Silberberg and Fredie Weisz. She further expresses her jealousy about the interactions between Jacqueline van Maarsen and Danka Zajde,[1] both of whom she had met at the Jewish Lyceum. Hello, Jacqueline and Danka later gave their views about their dealings and their friendship with Anne.[2] Several other surviving classmates have also commented on Anne.
\r\n\r\nIn her diary, Anne set out her family history, and she did so quite extensively.[3] This included grandparents and second cousins. She regularly wrote about her grandmother Holländer, who died on 29 January 1942, whom she missed very much.[4] The short story Lodgers or Tenants is about four of the subtenants who lived with the Frank family at various times. The last of these, Werner Goldschmidt, was also with the family at the beginning of the period in hiding.[5]
\r\n\r\nSocial contacts also existed with Fritz Pfeffer and the Van Pels family. Peter gave her a bar of milk chocolate for her thirteenth birthday.[6] Pels' subtenant Mr Bernhardt gave Anne an ice cream at Oase.[7] Pfeffer first met Otto Frank in the spring of 1940 at the home of his landlady Stephanie Meijer-Schuster, a 'Jugendfreundin' of Otto's.[8]
\r\n\r\nAfter Grandma Holländer's death, even before going into hiding, domestic peace deteriorated, according to Anne.[9] Anne was fond of her father, while her relationship with her mother was problematic. Anne and Margot were also not very familiar with each other. Margot wanted to be, but Anne held back.[10] Otto Frank believed that the much more mature Margot settled into the hiding situation more easily than Anne. Margot also suffered much less from changing moods.[11] In early 1944, things improved between the sisters.[12]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank spoke out several times in later years about relationships within his family. In a general text, with which he intended to answer some frequently asked questions in advance, he wrote that he was on better terms with Anne than with Margot and that he was concerned about the poor contact between Anne and her mother.[13] It is well enough known that Anne repeatedly expressed very negative views of her mother in her diary.
\r\n\r\nAnne sometimes describes the family in mild, but more often in sharp terms. Many of these involve quarrels between the Van Pels spouses. In September '42, there was a fuss about a book Peter was not allowed to read. He argued about it with his parents for several days, and his father flew into a rage when Peter shouted something down the stovepipe from the attic.[14]
\r\n\r\nIn the autumn of 1943, there was a disagreement between the Van Pels couple. According to Anne, this was about money.[15] Hermann van Pels supported his son Peter when he had a conflict with Pfeffer.[16] When Peter spoke to Anne about his parents, he said that they loved each other a lot but that he himself kept his distance.[17]
\r\n\r\nMiep said the following about Otto Frank's role during the period in hiding, in response to his dependence on the helpers: 'But, in the secret annex itself with the people in hiding, he was the boss again: what Mr Frank said, that was done. He decided, he had the last word, on what had to be done.' She also said: 'he was the boss, wasn't he, of the whole company (...). Otto decided everything (...).'[18]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank himself believed that his attitude during the period in hiding was mainly an optimistic one.[19] He told Arthur Unger in 1977 that a positive element of life in hiding was that - unlike the time he worked in his business - he could spend all day with his children.[20]
\r\n\r\nThe only people who later said anything about the tension and relaxation within the Secret Annex from their own observations were Otto Frank and the helpers. In the 1970s, Otto wrote about living with the Van Pels family: 'we did not foresee how many problems would arise because of the differences in character and views.'[13] Nor was he positive about how the Van Pels perceived their duties as parents.[21]
\r\n\r\nIn the early days, there were adjustment problems between the two families. Pfeffer was not there then. Anne writes repeatedly that the atmosphere was good and convivial, and that they laughed a lot.[22] At the same time, there were quarrels about parenting, washing dishes and being modest or not, among other things. Anne describes Mrs Van Pels as an "idiotic person".[23] Over a year later, she was still describing her as "scrawny, selfish and stupid", with the nuance that it was possible to talk to her.[24] When asked by Ernst Schnabel in 1957, Victor Kugler wrote that friction repeatedly occurred between Anne and Mrs Van Pels during the period in hiding.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn the spring of 1943, Anne writes of an occasion when the whole house was "thundering with strife".[26] The cause of much disagreement was food supplies. Thus, resentment arose when there was sugar for Edith Frank's birthday, but not for Auguste van Pels'.[27] Whether or not to give rice to the convalescent Johannes Kleiman also led to conflicts.[28]
\r\n\r\nWhen Pfeffer joined them in November '42, everyone had to scale back again. The arrival of a third party occasionally led to different alliances. Like Pfeffer with Auguste van Pels, when both agreed - according to Anne - that Anne had been raised wrong.[29] Anne's opinion of Pfeffer is evident when she provides the main characters with aliases in her rewrite. She called Pfeffer 'Albert Dussel',[30] while 'Dussel' means something like 'silly' in German. Pfeffer occasionally stood up to the rest, for instance when he acted dangerously in their eyes by continuing correspondence with Charlotte Kaletta.[31] At the end of '43, according to Anne, Pfeffer had a conflict with the Van Pels family, which allegedly had its origin in Pfeffer not giving Mrs Van Pels a present on the first anniversary of his arrival.[32] Edith, according to Anne, sighed some weeks later that she would gladly not see Hermann van Pels for a fortnight.[33]
\r\n\r\nAn important element in the Secret Annex history is the romance between Anne and Peter. This began to emerge in late March 1944 [34] and faded away after about six weeks.[35] According to Otto Frank, there was initially little contact between them, but a strong bond developed over time.[13] In the B version, Anne denies being in love with Peter under the date 6 January 1944,[36] but again, given the later rewriting, this is retrospective.
\r\n\r\nVan Pels and Otto were angry with Kugler for jeopardising the business relationship with W.F. Westermann and C.W. Heijbroek. Kugler in turn was angry when the people in hiding were lax with security, such as the time the bolt was not released in time and he had to climb in via Keg.[37] In July 1943, Pfeffer was angry because Kugler had gone to hand in the radio on the prescribed day.[38]
\r\n\r\nIn early 1944, there was a discussion about the possibility of an evacuation of the western part of the country. According to the people in hiding, Jan Gies was far too optimistic, but according to Jan, they were looking at things far too negatively.[39]
\r\n\r\nIn late May '44, there was a serious conversation with Miep. Apparently there was resentment among the people in hiding about indifference, perceived or otherwise, on her part. Anne: 'Miep came up one afternoon all flushed and asked Father straight out if we thought they too were infected with the current anti-Semitism. Father was stunned and quickly talked her out of the idea, but some of Miep's suspicion has lingered on.' According to Anne, Miep thought the people in hiding feared that she felt the same way. Otto Frank then allegedly talked Miep out of this.[40] Otto Frank got into an argument with Miep once when he said she stayed too long with Pfeffer, and Anne did not like that.[41]
\r\n\r\nIf the diary is accurate on this point, relations with Kleiman remained positive throughout. Edith Frank, according to Anne, said, "When Mr Kleiman comes in, the sun rises! ''[42] Kleiman later described Anne's attitude towards him during his daily visits to the Secret Annex as modest. She was always delighted with the children's books he brought, though.[43]
\r\n\r\nAnne had a strong bond with Bep Voskuijl. She was the eldest child in a large family, and her sisters were several years younger than Anne. On the other hand, she was the youngest of the helpers, and was counted by Anne as one of the Secret Annex youngsters. Kleiman thought that the ups and downs of Bep's love life also played a role in Anne's preference.[44]
\r\n\r\nMiep said of Margot: 'I had absolutely no contact with Margot. She was there, present, and not much else.'[45]
\r\n\r\nThere was a hierarchical distinction between the helpers. Kugler and Kleiman were directors of the companies, Miep and Bep the office girls. When there was merriment in the office over a phone call, Anne writes: 'the directors together with the office girls make the greatest fun!'[46] During the raid on 4 August 1944, Kleiman sent Bep with his wallet to drugstore Kollen on Leliegracht, and she indeed managed to get away unhindered.[47] Otto Frank later stated that Kleiman and Kugler managed to convince people that Miep and Bep had not known anythng about the people in hiding.[48]
\r\n\r\nSeveral times in Anne's diary there is mention of the Amende family. This is the family who owned the boarding house where Jan Gies lived from 1936 and with whom he and Miep were friends. There were items belonging to the Franks in storage at this address,[39] and Miep said in an interview that this family knew nothing about her helping people in hiding.[49] Miep and Jan Gies obviously knew about each other. They kept quiet about the help they gave the Stoppelman family and others.
\r\n\r\nKleiman's wife was fully aware of her husband's activities[50] and also visited the Secret Annex several times.[51] Anne even counted her as a member of the 'female side of the Secret Annex '.[52] However, for reasons unknown, Kugler never spoke to his wife about the help he was providing.[53] So for her, her husband's arrest came as a complete surprise. Bep only spoke to her father about the Secret Annex. He was informed in mid-July 1942, and at Kugler's initiative he made the bookcase.[54]
\r\n\r\nAs Opekta representative Johan Broks was curious and repeatedly asked about Otto Frank, a diversionary tactic was devised.[55] Opekta/Gies & Co. sent a note to a client in Aardenburg, Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. It included an addressed return envelope written by Otto Frank. Receipt of it at the office was intended to give the impression that he had sent this letter. The envelope with a postmark from a border town was intended to serve as proof of departure for Switzerland.[56]
\r\n\r\nWith Anne as virtually the only source, a distorted picture of the other people in hiding emerges. Pfeffer and the Van Pels couple in particular do not come off very well in her account. Because the scriptwriters of the stage adaptation adopted Anne's negative qualifications, conflicts arose from this years later. When the American play made the diary more widely known, criticism followed. Greta Goldschmidt, a sister of Auguste van Pels, wrote to Otto Frank in 1958 that more justice should have been done to Peter. Anne got 'all the limelight', but since Peter had certainly made her time in hiding less harsh, he was still due 'ein kleines Lob' too.[57] Having seen the film nine months later, she wrote again to express her indignation at the way the Van Pels family was portrayed.[58]
\r\n\r\nA former acquaintance of Pfeffer from Berlin was outraged by the way the play ridiculed Pfeffer. In a letter to Otto Frank, she asked him if he realised why Pfeffer, unlike the others, had become 'ein Nörgler' when in hiding. She reproached Frank for allowing the scriptwriters to portray Pfeffer as a joke figure.[59] By the late 1950s, there was also a distancing between Charlotte Kaletta on the one hand and Otto Frank and the helpers on the other.[60][61] Kaletta and Frank even entered into a formal agreement in which the former pledged to renounce any claim regarding the diary, play and film.[61]
\r\n\r\nComplicating matters is that Anne's diary is virtually the only source for the period in hiding, and direct notes are virtually non-existent for the year 1943. Moreover, later observations by Otto Frank or helpers were usually in response to diary passages. It is therefore of great importance to take into account a strong 'bias' in Anne's notes. Also given the situation she found herself in, a certain injustice towards the others in her diary entries is inevitable. Of the classmates at the Jewish Lyceum, about half survived the war years, and a few of them later gave their opinions on things. The same applies to a number of teachers. These statements naturally give nuance to Anne's picture of her school days. Of course, these classmates and teachers knew nothing about the situation in the Secret Annex from their own observations. For Pfeffer and the Van Pelses in particular, it is necessary to arrive at a more balanced picture than the one Anne painted of them.
\r\n\r\nDe onderlinge verhoudingen omvatten meer dan de relaties in het Achterhuis. Ook sociale verbanden daarbuiten en nog voor het onderduiken horen daarbij. Dit geheel is te onderscheiden naar:
\r\n\r\nVanzelfsprekend zijn Annes notities een zeer belangrijke bron. Verder zijn er inzichten te ontlenen aan latere reacties, naar aanleiding van publiciteit rond het dagboek, het toneelstuk en de film.
\r\n\r\nAnne schrijft geregeld over haar vriendinnen en klasgenoten, en ook over anderen uit de tijd voor het onderduiken. Ze beschrijft onder meer klasgenoten en onderwijzers van de Montessorischool. Belangrijk voor Anne was haar klasgenootje Hanneli Goslar. Daarnaast noemt ze de hele klas 1 L II en al haar leerkrachten van het Joods Lyceum. Over enkele klasgenoten van het Lyceum doet ze vergaande uitspraken. Verder noemt ze iedereen die op haar dertiende verjaardag kwam, en wat ze haar cadeau gaven. Ook noemt ze allerlei mensen uit de buurt, met name leeftijdgenootjes als Peter Schiff, Hello Silberberg en Fredie Weisz. Ze uit verder haar jaloezie over de omgang tussen Jacqueline van Maarsen en Danka Zajde,[1] die ze beide op het Joods Lyceum had leren kennen. Over hun omgang en vriendschap met Anne hebben later Hello, Jacqueline en Danka hun visie gegeven.[2]Verschillende andere overlevende klasgenoten hebben zich ook over Anne uitgelaten.
\r\n\r\nIn haar dagboek zette Anne haar familiegeschiedenis uiteen, en ze deed dat vrij uitgebreid.[3] Hierbij kwamen grootouders en achterneven aan de orde. Regelmatig schrijft ze over haar op 29 januari 1942 overleden oma Holländer, die ze erg miste.[4] Het verhaaltje Pension- of huurgasten gaat over vier van de onderhuurders die in de loop der tijd bij de familie Frank inwoonden. Met de laatste daarvan, Werner Goldschmidt, had de familie aan het begin van de onderduikperiode ook nog te maken.[5]
\r\n\r\nMet Fritz Pfeffer en de familie Van Pels bestonden ook sociale contacten. Van Peter kreeg ze voor haar dertiende verjaardag een plak melkchocolade.[6] Van Pels’ onderhuurder mijnheer Bernhardt gaf Anne in Oase een ijsje.[7] Pfeffer ontmoette Otto Frank voor het eerst in het voorjaar van 1940 ten huize van zijn hospita Stephanie Meijer-Schuster, een ‘Jugendfreundin’ van Otto.[8]
\r\n\r\nNa de dood van oma Holländer, nog voor het onderduiken, ging de huiselijke vrede volgens Anne achteruit.[9] Anne was gek op haar vader, terwijl haar verstandhouding met haar moeder problematisch was. Anne en Margot waren ook niet echt vertrouwd met elkaar. Margot wilde dit wel, maar Anne hield de boot af.[10] Otto Frank meende dat de veel rijpere Margot zich makkelijker in de onderduiksituatie schikte dan Anne. Margot leed ook veel minder onder wisselende stemmingen.[11] Begin 1944 ging het tussen de zusjes beter.[12]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank heeft zich in later jaren enkele keren uitgelaten over de relaties binnen zijn gezin. In een algemene tekst, waarmee hij beoogde een aantal veel gestelde vragen op voorhand te beantwoorden, schreef hij dat hij met Anne op betere voet stond dan met Margot en dat hij zich zorgen maakte over het slechte contact tussen Anne en haar moeder.[13]Het is genoegzaam bekend dat Anne zich in haar dagboek herhaaldelijk erg negatief over haar moeder uitlaat.
\r\n\r\nAnne omschrijft de familie soms in milde, maar vaker in scherpe bewoordingen. Veelal gaat het daarbij om ruzies tussen de echtelieden Van Pels. In september ’42 is er rumoer rond een boek dat Peter niet mag lezen. Hij maakt er enkele dagen ruzie over met zijn ouders, en zijn vader ontsteekt in woede als Peter vanaf de zolder iets door de kachelpijp naar beneden roept.[14]
\r\n\r\nIn de herfst van 1943 was er onenigheid tussen het echtpaar Van Pels. Volgens Anne ging dit over geld.[15] Hermann van Pels viel zijn zoon Peter bij toen deze een conflict had met Pfeffer.[16] Als Peter met Anne sprak over zijn ouders, zei hij dat ze veel van elkaar hielden maar dat hij zelf op afstand bleef.[17]
\r\n\r\nMiep zei het volgende over de rol van Otto Frank tijdens de onderduik, naar aanleiding van zijn afhankelijkheid van de helpers: 'Maar, in het achterhuis zelf met de onderduikers was hij toch weer de baas: wat meneer Frank zei, dat werd gedaan. Hij besliste, hij had het laatste woord, wat er gebeuren moest.' Ook zei ze: ' dat was de boss, hè, in het hele gezelschap (…). Otto besliste over alles (…).'[18]
\r\n\r\nZelf meende Otto Frank dat zijn instelling tijdens de onderduik vooral een optimistische was.[19] Hij vertelde in 1977 tegen Arthur Unger dat een positief element van het onderduikleven was dat hij – in tegenstelling tot de tijd dat hij in zijn zaak werkzaam was – de hele dag met zijn kinderen kon doorbrengen.[20]
\r\n\r\nDe enigen die later uit eigen waarneming iets over de spanning en ontspanning binnen het Achterhuis hebben gezegd waren Otto Frank en de helpers. In de jaren zeventig schreef Otto over het samenleven met de familie Van Pels: 'we hadden niet voorzien hoeveel problemen er zouden ontstaan door de verschillen in karakter en opvattingen.'[13] Ook was hij niet positief over de wijze waarop de Van Pelsen hun taak als ouders opvatten.[21]
\r\n\r\nIn de beginperiode waren er aanpassingsproblemen tussen de twee families. Pfeffer was er dan nog niet bij. Herhaaldelijk schrijft Anne dat de sfeer goed en gezellig was, en dat ze erg moesten lachen.[22] Tegelijkertijd waren er ruzies over onder meer opvoeding, afwassen en al dan niet bescheiden zijn. Anne beschrijft mevrouw Van Pels als een 'idioot mens'.[23] Ruim een jaar later omschrijft ze haar nog als ' schraperig, egoïstisch en dom', met de nuance dat er wel met haar te praten viel.[24] Desgevraagd door Ernst Schnabel schreef Victor Kugler in 1957 dat er zich tijdens de onderduik tussen Anne en mevrouw Van Pels herhaaldelijk wrijving voordeed.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn het voorjaar van 1943 schrijft Anne over een gelegenheid dat het hele huis 'dendert van de ruzie'.[26] Aanleiding tot veel onenigheid was de voedselvoorziening. Zo ontstond er wrevel toen er suiker was voor de verjaardag van Edith Frank, maar niet voor die van Auguste van Pels.[27] Ook het al of niet afstaan van rijst aan de herstellende Johannes Kleiman leidde tot conflicten.[28]
\r\n\r\nToen Pfeffer zich in november '42 bij het gezelschap voegde, moest iedereen opnieuw inschikken. De komst van een derde partij leidde nu en dan tot andere allianties. Zoals Pfeffer met Auguste van Pels, als beiden het er - volgens Anne - over eens waren dat Anne verkeerd was opgevoed.[29] Annes mening over Pfeffer blijkt als ze bij haar herschrijving de hoofdpersonen van aliassen voorziet. Pfeffer noemde ze ‘Albert Dussel’,[30] terwijl ‘Dussel’ in het Duits zoveel wil zeggen als sufferd. Pfeffer stond nu en dan ook tegenover de rest, bijvoorbeeld als hij in hun ogen gevaarlijk handelde door correspondentie met Charlotte Kaletta te blijven voeren.[31] Eind ’43 had Pfeffer volgens Anne een conflict met de familie Van Pels, wat zijn oorsprong zou hebben gevonden in het feit dat Pfeffer mevrouw Van Pels geen cadeau gaf bij de eerste verjaardag van zijn komst.[32] Edith verzuchtte volgens Anne enige weken later dat ze Hermann van Pels graag eens veertien dagen niet zou zien.[33]
\r\n\r\nEen belangrijk element in de Achterhuisgeschiedenis is de romance tussen Anne en Peter. Deze begon zich eind maart ’44 af te tekenen[34] en verflauwde na een week of zes.[35] Volgens Otto Frank was er aanvankelijk weinig contact tussen hen, maar ontwikkelde zich na verloop van tijd een sterke band.[13] In de B-versie ontkent Anne onder de datum 6 januari 1944 dat ze verliefd op Peter is,[36] maar dat is gezien de latere herschrijving ook weer in retrospectief.
\r\n\r\nVan Pels en Otto waren boos op Kugler omdat hij de zakelijke relatie met W.F. Westermann en C.W. Heijbroek op het spel zette. Kugler op zijn beurt was boos toen de onderduikers laks met de veiligheid waren, zoals de keer dat de grendel niet op tijd van de deur was en hij via Keg naar binnen moet klimmen.[37] In juli ’43 was Pfeffer kwaad omdat Kugler op de voorgeschreven dag de radio was gaan inleveren.[38]
\r\n\r\nBegin ’44 was er een discussie over de mogelijkheid van een evacuatie van het westen van het land. Volgens de onderduikers was Jan Gies veel te optimistisch, maar volgens Jan zagen zij het veel te zwart in.[39]
\r\n\r\nEind mei '44 was er een ernstig gesprek met Miep. Blijkbaar was er bij de onderduikers wrevel over al dan niet vermeende onverschilligheid van haar kant. Anne: 'Miep kwam op een middag met een vuurrood hoofd naar vader toe en vroeg hem op de man af of wij dachten dat zij ook met het anti-semitisme besmet waren. Vader schrok geweldig en praatte haar dat grondig uit haar hoofd, maar iets van Miep vermoeden is er blijven hangen.' Volgens Anne dacht Miep dat de onderduikers vreesden dat zij er ook zo over dacht. Otto Frank zou Miep dit vervolgens uit het hoofd hebben gepraat. [40] Otto Frank kreeg een keer ruzie met Miep toen hij zei dat ze te lang bij Pfeffer bleef, en Anne dat niet prettig vond.[41]
\r\n\r\nAls het dagboek op dit punt accuraat is, bleef de verstandhouding met Kleiman gedurende de hele periode onveranderd goed. Edith Frank zei volgens Anne: 'Als mijnheer Kleiman binnen komt, gaat de zon op!''[42] Kleiman omschreef later Annes houding tegenover hem tijdens zijn dagelijkse bezoeken aan het Achterhuis als bescheiden. Ze was wel altijd dolblij met de jeugdboeken die hij meebracht.[43]
\r\n\r\nAnne trok sterk naar Bep Voskuijl. Zij was het oudste kind in een groot gezin, en haar zusjes waren enkele jaren jonger dan Anne. Daarentegen was ze de jongste van de helpers, en werd door Anne tot de Achterhuisjeugd gerekend. Kleiman dacht dat Beps liefdesperikelen ook een rol in Annes voorkeur hebben gespeeld.[44]
\r\n\r\nMiep zei over Margot: 'Margot daar heb ik absoluut geen contact mee gehad. Die was er, aanwezig, en voor de rest niet.'[45]
\r\n\r\nTussen de helpers onderling was er een hiërarchisch onderscheid. Kugler en Kleiman waren directeuren van de bedrijven, Miep en Bep de kantoormeisjes. Als er op kantoor vrolijkheid was over een telefoontje schrijft Anne: 'de directeurs maken samen met de kantoormeisjes de grootste pret!'[46] Tijdens de inval op 4 augustus 1944 stuurde Kleiman Bep met zijn portefeuille naar drogist Kollen op de Leliegracht, en ze wist inderdaad ongehinderd weg te komen.[47] Otto Frank verklaarde later dat het Kleiman en Kugler lukte om voor te wenden dat Miep en Bep niet van de onderduikers op de hoogte waren.[48]
\r\n\r\nIn Annes dagboek is enkele keren sprake van de familie Amende. Dit is de familie die het pension had waar Jan Gies vanaf 1936 woonde en waarmee hij en Miep bevriend waren. Er waren op dit adres spullen van de Franks in bewaring,[39] en Miep vertelde in een interview dat deze familie niets wist van haar onderduikershulp.[49] Miep en Jan Gies wisten van elkaar uiteraard wat ze deden. Aan de hulp die ze de familie Stoppelman en anderen verleenden, gaven ze weinig tot geen ruchtbaarheid.
\r\n\r\nKleimans vrouw was geheel op de hoogte van de activiteiten van haar man[50] en kwam ook enkele keren in het Achterhuis op bezoek.[51] Anne rekende haar zelfs tot lid van de ‘vrouwelijke kant van het Achterhuis’.[52] Kugler sprak echter om onbekende redenen nooit met zijn echtgenote over de onderduikershulp die hij verleende.[53] Voor haar kwam de arrestatie van haar man dus als een complete verrassing. Bep sprak alleen met haar vader over het Achterhuis. Hij was medio juli ’42 ingelicht, en maakte op Kuglers initiatief de boekenkast.[54]
\r\n\r\nOmdat de Opekta-vertegenwoordiger Johan Broks nieuwsgierig was en herhaaldelijk naar Otto Frank vroeg, werd een afleidingsmaneuvre bedacht.[55] Opekta/Gies & Co. stuurde een briefje aan een klant in Aardenburg, Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. Er werd een geadresseerde retourenvelop meegezonden die Otto Frank geschreven had. Ontvangst op kantoor moest de indruk wekken dat hij deze brief had verstuurd. De envelop met poststempel uit een grensplaats moest als bewijs dienen voor vertrek richting Zwitserland.[56]
\r\n\r\nMet Anne als vrijwel enige bron ontstaat een vertekend beeld van de andere onderduikers. Vooral Pfeffer en het echtpaar Van Pels komen er bij haar niet zo best vanaf. Doordat de scriptschrijvers van de toneelbewerking Annes negatieve kwalificaties overnamen, ontstonden daar jaren later nog conflicten uit. Toen het dagboek door het Amerikaanse toneelstuk grotere bekendheid kreeg, volgde er kritiek. Greta Goldschmidt, een zuster van Auguste van Pels, schreef in 1958 aan Otto Frank dat Peter meer recht gedaan had moeten worden. Anne kreeg 'all the limelight', maar omdat Peter haar het onderduiken zeker lichter had gemaakt, kwam hem toch ook 'ein kleines Lob' toe.[57] Toen ze negen maanden later de film had gezien, schreef ze opnieuw om haar verontwaardiging uit te drukken over de wijze waarop de familie Van Pels werd neergezet.[58]
\r\n\r\nEen vroegere kennis van Pfeffer uit Berlijn was verbolgen over de wijze waarop het toneelstuk Pfeffer belachelijk maakte. In een brief aan Otto Frank vroeg ze hem of hij besefte waarom Pfeffer in de onderduiktijd, in tegenstelling tot de anderen alleen, 'ein Nörgler' is geworden. Ze verweet Frank dat hij had toegelaten dat de scriptschrijvers Pfeffer als een schertsfiguur portretteerden.[59] Tegen het einde van de jaren vijftig was er ook een verwijdering tussen Charlotte Kaletta enerzijds en Otto Frank en de helpers anderzijds.[60][61] Kaletta en Frank sloten zelfs een formele overeenkomst waarin de eerste toezegde van enige aanspraak betreffende dagboek, toneelstuk en film af te zien.[61]
\r\n\r\nComplicerend is dat Annes dagboek voor de onderduikperiode vrijwel de enige bron is, en dat voor het jaar 1943 directe notities zo goed als ontbreken. Latere observaties van Otto Frank of helpers waren bovendien doorgaans naar aanleiding van dagboekpassages. Het is daarom van groot belang rekening te houden met een sterke ‘bias’ in Annes notities. Mede gezien de situatie waarin zij zich bevond, is een zekere onrechtvaardigheid ten aanzien van de anderen in haar dagboeknotities onvermijdelijk. Van de klasgenoten van het Joods Lyceum heeft ongeveer de helft de oorlogsjaren overleefd, en enkelen van hen hebben later hun mening over een en ander gegeven. Dat geldt ook voor een aantal leraren. Deze verklaringen nuanceren uiteraard het beeld dat Anne van haar schooltijd gaf. Over de situatie in het Achterhuis wisten deze klasgenoten en leerkrachten uiteraard niets uit eigen waarneming. Voor met name Pfeffer en de Van Pelsen is het nodig om tot een evenwichtiger beeld te komen dan dat wat Anne van hen schetste.
\r\n\r\nThe inter-relationships encompass more than just those in the Secret Annex. They also include social relationships outside and even before going into hiding. These relationships can be separated into:
\r\n\r\nObviously, Anne's notes are a very important source. Insights can also be derived from later reactions, following publicity around the diary, the play and the film.
\r\n\r\nAnne regularly writes about her friends and classmates, as well as others from before going into hiding. Among other things, she describes classmates and teachers at the Montessori school. An important relationship for Anne was the one with her classmate Hanneli Goslar. She also mentions the entire class 1 L II and all her teachers at the Jewish Lyceum. She makes sweeping statements about some classmates at the Lyceum. Furthermore, she mentions everyone who came to her thirteenth birthday, and what they gave her as a present. She also mentions all kinds of people from the neighbourhood, especially children of a similar age like Peter Schiff, Hello Silberberg and Fredie Weisz. She further expresses her jealousy about the interactions between Jacqueline van Maarsen and Danka Zajde,[1] both of whom she had met at the Jewish Lyceum. Hello, Jacqueline and Danka later gave their views about their dealings and their friendship with Anne.[2] Several other surviving classmates have also commented on Anne.
\r\n\r\nIn her diary, Anne set out her family history, and she did so quite extensively.[3] This included grandparents and second cousins. She regularly wrote about her grandmother Holländer, who died on 29 January 1942, whom she missed very much.[4] The short story Lodgers or Tenants is about four of the subtenants who lived with the Frank family at various times. The last of these, Werner Goldschmidt, was also with the family at the beginning of the period in hiding.[5]
\r\n\r\nSocial contacts also existed with Fritz Pfeffer and the Van Pels family. Peter gave her a bar of milk chocolate for her thirteenth birthday.[6] Pels' subtenant Mr Bernhardt gave Anne an ice cream at Oase.[7] Pfeffer first met Otto Frank in the spring of 1940 at the home of his landlady Stephanie Meijer-Schuster, a 'Jugendfreundin' of Otto's.[8]
\r\n\r\nAfter Grandma Holländer's death, even before going into hiding, domestic peace deteriorated, according to Anne.[9] Anne was fond of her father, while her relationship with her mother was problematic. Anne and Margot were also not very familiar with each other. Margot wanted to be, but Anne held back.[10] Otto Frank believed that the much more mature Margot settled into the hiding situation more easily than Anne. Margot also suffered much less from changing moods.[11] In early 1944, things improved between the sisters.[12]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank spoke out several times in later years about relationships within his family. In a general text, with which he intended to answer some frequently asked questions in advance, he wrote that he was on better terms with Anne than with Margot and that he was concerned about the poor contact between Anne and her mother.[13] It is well enough known that Anne repeatedly expressed very negative views of her mother in her diary.
\r\n\r\nAnne sometimes describes the family in mild, but more often in sharp terms. Many of these involve quarrels between the Van Pels spouses. In September '42, there was a fuss about a book Peter was not allowed to read. He argued about it with his parents for several days, and his father flew into a rage when Peter shouted something down the stovepipe from the attic.[14]
\r\n\r\nIn the autumn of 1943, there was a disagreement between the Van Pels couple. According to Anne, this was about money.[15] Hermann van Pels supported his son Peter when he had a conflict with Pfeffer.[16] When Peter spoke to Anne about his parents, he said that they loved each other a lot but that he himself kept his distance.[17]
\r\n\r\nMiep said the following about Otto Frank's role during the period in hiding, in response to his dependence on the helpers: 'But, in the secret annex itself with the people in hiding, he was the boss again: what Mr Frank said, that was done. He decided, he had the last word, on what had to be done.' She also said: 'he was the boss, wasn't he, of the whole company (...). Otto decided everything (...).'[18]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank himself believed that his attitude during the period in hiding was mainly an optimistic one.[19] He told Arthur Unger in 1977 that a positive element of life in hiding was that - unlike the time he worked in his business - he could spend all day with his children.[20]
\r\n\r\nThe only people who later said anything about the tension and relaxation within the Secret Annex from their own observations were Otto Frank and the helpers. In the 1970s, Otto wrote about living with the Van Pels family: 'we did not foresee how many problems would arise because of the differences in character and views.'[13] Nor was he positive about how the Van Pels perceived their duties as parents.[21]
\r\n\r\nIn the early days, there were adjustment problems between the two families. Pfeffer was not there then. Anne writes repeatedly that the atmosphere was good and convivial, and that they laughed a lot.[22] At the same time, there were quarrels about parenting, washing dishes and being modest or not, among other things. Anne describes Mrs Van Pels as an "idiotic person".[23] Over a year later, she was still describing her as "scrawny, selfish and stupid", with the nuance that it was possible to talk to her.[24] When asked by Ernst Schnabel in 1957, Victor Kugler wrote that friction repeatedly occurred between Anne and Mrs Van Pels during the period in hiding.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn the spring of 1943, Anne writes of an occasion when the whole house was "thundering with strife".[26] The cause of much disagreement was food supplies. Thus, resentment arose when there was sugar for Edith Frank's birthday, but not for Auguste van Pels'.[27] Whether or not to give rice to the convalescent Johannes Kleiman also led to conflicts.[28]
\r\n\r\nWhen Pfeffer joined them in November '42, everyone had to scale back again. The arrival of a third party occasionally led to different alliances. Like Pfeffer with Auguste van Pels, when both agreed - according to Anne - that Anne had been raised wrong.[29] Anne's opinion of Pfeffer is evident when she provides the main characters with aliases in her rewrite. She called Pfeffer 'Albert Dussel',[30] while 'Dussel' means something like 'silly' in German. Pfeffer occasionally stood up to the rest, for instance when he acted dangerously in their eyes by continuing correspondence with Charlotte Kaletta.[31] At the end of '43, according to Anne, Pfeffer had a conflict with the Van Pels family, which allegedly had its origin in Pfeffer not giving Mrs Van Pels a present on the first anniversary of his arrival.[32] Edith, according to Anne, sighed some weeks later that she would gladly not see Hermann van Pels for a fortnight.[33]
\r\n\r\nAn important element in the Secret Annex history is the romance between Anne and Peter. This began to emerge in late March 1944 [34] and faded away after about six weeks.[35] According to Otto Frank, there was initially little contact between them, but a strong bond developed over time.[13] In the B version, Anne denies being in love with Peter under the date 6 January 1944,[36] but again, given the later rewriting, this is retrospective.
\r\n\r\nVan Pels and Otto were angry with Kugler for jeopardising the business relationship with W.F. Westermann and C.W. Heijbroek. Kugler in turn was angry when the people in hiding were lax with security, such as the time the bolt was not released in time and he had to climb in via Keg.[37] In July 1943, Pfeffer was angry because Kugler had gone to hand in the radio on the prescribed day.[38]
\r\n\r\nIn early 1944, there was a discussion about the possibility of an evacuation of the western part of the country. According to the people in hiding, Jan Gies was far too optimistic, but according to Jan, they were looking at things far too negatively.[39]
\r\n\r\nIn late May '44, there was a serious conversation with Miep. Apparently there was resentment among the people in hiding about indifference, perceived or otherwise, on her part. Anne: 'Miep came up one afternoon all flushed and asked Father straight out if we thought they too were infected with the current anti-Semitism. Father was stunned and quickly talked her out of the idea, but some of Miep's suspicion has lingered on.' According to Anne, Miep thought the people in hiding feared that she felt the same way. Otto Frank then allegedly talked Miep out of this.[40] Otto Frank got into an argument with Miep once when he said she stayed too long with Pfeffer, and Anne did not like that.[41]
\r\n\r\nIf the diary is accurate on this point, relations with Kleiman remained positive throughout. Edith Frank, according to Anne, said, "When Mr Kleiman comes in, the sun rises! ''[42] Kleiman later described Anne's attitude towards him during his daily visits to the Secret Annex as modest. She was always delighted with the children's books he brought, though.[43]
\r\n\r\nAnne had a strong bond with Bep Voskuijl. She was the eldest child in a large family, and her sisters were several years younger than Anne. On the other hand, she was the youngest of the helpers, and was counted by Anne as one of the Secret Annex youngsters. Kleiman thought that the ups and downs of Bep's love life also played a role in Anne's preference.[44]
\r\n\r\nMiep said of Margot: 'I had absolutely no contact with Margot. She was there, present, and not much else.'[45]
\r\n\r\nThere was a hierarchical distinction between the helpers. Kugler and Kleiman were directors of the companies, Miep and Bep the office girls. When there was merriment in the office over a phone call, Anne writes: 'the directors together with the office girls make the greatest fun!'[46] During the raid on 4 August 1944, Kleiman sent Bep with his wallet to drugstore Kollen on Leliegracht, and she indeed managed to get away unhindered.[47] Otto Frank later stated that Kleiman and Kugler managed to convince people that Miep and Bep had not known anythng about the people in hiding.[48]
\r\n\r\nSeveral times in Anne's diary there is mention of the Amende family. This is the family who owned the boarding house where Jan Gies lived from 1936 and with whom he and Miep were friends. There were items belonging to the Franks in storage at this address,[39] and Miep said in an interview that this family knew nothing about her helping people in hiding.[49] Miep and Jan Gies obviously knew about each other. They kept quiet about the help they gave the Stoppelman family and others.
\r\n\r\nKleiman's wife was fully aware of her husband's activities[50] and also visited the Secret Annex several times.[51] Anne even counted her as a member of the 'female side of the Secret Annex '.[52] However, for reasons unknown, Kugler never spoke to his wife about the help he was providing.[53] So for her, her husband's arrest came as a complete surprise. Bep only spoke to her father about the Secret Annex. He was informed in mid-July 1942, and at Kugler's initiative he made the bookcase.[54]
\r\n\r\nAs Opekta representative Johan Broks was curious and repeatedly asked about Otto Frank, a diversionary tactic was devised.[55] Opekta/Gies & Co. sent a note to a client in Aardenburg, Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. It included an addressed return envelope written by Otto Frank. Receipt of it at the office was intended to give the impression that he had sent this letter. The envelope with a postmark from a border town was intended to serve as proof of departure for Switzerland.[56]
\r\n\r\nWith Anne as virtually the only source, a distorted picture of the other people in hiding emerges. Pfeffer and the Van Pels couple in particular do not come off very well in her account. Because the scriptwriters of the stage adaptation adopted Anne's negative qualifications, conflicts arose from this years later. When the American play made the diary more widely known, criticism followed. Greta Goldschmidt, a sister of Auguste van Pels, wrote to Otto Frank in 1958 that more justice should have been done to Peter. Anne got 'all the limelight', but since Peter had certainly made her time in hiding less harsh, he was still due 'ein kleines Lob' too.[57] Having seen the film nine months later, she wrote again to express her indignation at the way the Van Pels family was portrayed.[58]
\r\n\r\nA former acquaintance of Pfeffer from Berlin was outraged by the way the play ridiculed Pfeffer. In a letter to Otto Frank, she asked him if he realised why Pfeffer, unlike the others, had become 'ein Nörgler' when in hiding. She reproached Frank for allowing the scriptwriters to portray Pfeffer as a joke figure.[59] By the late 1950s, there was also a distancing between Charlotte Kaletta on the one hand and Otto Frank and the helpers on the other.[60][61] Kaletta and Frank even entered into a formal agreement in which the former pledged to renounce any claim regarding the diary, play and film.[61]
\r\n\r\nComplicating matters is that Anne's diary is virtually the only source for the period in hiding, and direct notes are virtually non-existent for the year 1943. Moreover, later observations by Otto Frank or helpers were usually in response to diary passages. It is therefore of great importance to take into account a strong 'bias' in Anne's notes. Also given the situation she found herself in, a certain injustice towards the others in her diary entries is inevitable. Of the classmates at the Jewish Lyceum, about half survived the war years, and a few of them later gave their opinions on things. The same applies to a number of teachers. These statements naturally give nuance to Anne's picture of her school days. Of course, these classmates and teachers knew nothing about the situation in the Secret Annex from their own observations. For Pfeffer and the Van Pelses in particular, it is necessary to arrive at a more balanced picture than the one Anne painted of them.
\r\n\r\nEven before going into hiding, Anne began collecting film star pictures and postcards.[1] To her American pen pal, Juanita Wagner, Anne wrote on 29 April 1939 that her collection of 'picture-cards' numbered around eight hundred.[2] This collection went with her from Merwedeplein to the Secret Annex. In her diary, Anne writes about it:
\r\n\r\nOur bedroom, with its blank walls, was very bare. Thanks to Father — who brought my entire postcard and movie-star collection here beforehand — and to a brush and a pot of glue, I was able to plaster the walls with pictures. It looks much more cheerful. (...).[3]\r\n\r\n
Anne spent a lot of time on her collection. She expanded it with new pictures taken from magazines, which she got from helpers. Such as Libelle, Panorama and Cinema & Theatre. She removed pictures from the wall, or hung them on top of each other with 'brush and a pot of glue' or with 'photo corners' to make them easier to change.[3][4] She also gave away a few movie star pictures to Peter, which he hung in his own room. Anne would have liked to have given him more, but he kindly declined this offer: 'I'd rather keep the one I've got. I look at it every day, and the people in it have become my friends.'[5]
\r\n\r\nResearch on the walls in the Secret Annex yielded a total of seventy-seven picture descriptions.[6] Forty pictures came from various magazines, of which twenty-nine were from Libelle. Many film stars came from Libelle in the years 1939-1940.[7] From Libelle in 1941 she cut out mainly children's pictures,[8] drawings and two art history images. American film stars were in fewer and fewer of these pictures as the occupation progressed.
\r\n\r\nAll the different pictures show Anne's interests. While in hiding, she became more interested in history and mythology. With Margot, she studied hard 'to keep from being ignorant'.[9] The story Film Star Illusion, in which Anne describes a meeting with the Lane Sisters that ends with the words that she is 'cured of all celebrity illusions for good '.[10] The picture research shows that Anne put her money where her mouth is. A picture of the Lane Sisters was hidden behind the picture of Michelangelo's sculpture, and a map of the French-German borderland was mounted with drawing pins on top of the photo of American actress Sally Eilers.[11]
\r\n\r\nA number of children's pictures and drawings were also replaced with more adult images. For example, Anne pinned Hermes on top of a picture of a girl with a skipping rope, Paracelsus on a girl with a parasol and a self-portrait of Leonardo da Vinci on a girl doing laundry with her dolls.[12]
\r\n\r\nAnne did not entirely put aside her interest in film stars. In January 1944, she wrote that she still spent many Sundays sorting out and sorting through her large film star collection, 'which has grown to a very respectable size'.[13] She did, however, have less and less time for it. In May 1944, for instance, she wrote: 'my movie stars are in a terrible disarray and are dying to be straightened out', but as she is 'up to her ears in work, they'll have to put up with the chaos a while longer'.[14]
\r\n\r\nBesides magazine pictures and postcards of film stars and children, she also pinned cartoons, landscapes, animals and members of royal families to her wall. About the postcard of the royal family, which she first stuck in her photo album and later pinned to her wall with a drawing pin, she writes that Bep Voskuijl had had it printed especially for her.[15]
\r\n\r\nDevelopmental psychologist Gerrit Breeuwsma compares Anne's passion for collecting with the habit of just about every child to wallpaper his or her bedroom from top to bottom with posters and photos of favorite film stars and artists. He calls this 'a trip outside the safe world of family life and a search for cultural vignettes that suit their interests.' But he finds the diversity and development of Anne's collection special. He sees Anne's collection of clippings as the driving force behind her will to create. Every child is a collector. Often this stems from the need to get something complete. That way, at least something in life is perfect. But with Anne Frank, you can see that her collection also feeds her imagination and creativity. Creativity can be seen as a literal and metaphorical escape from reality.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn the living room bedroom of the Frank family, pencil marks on the wallpaper had been used to keep track of Anne and Margot's growth. From this it can be deduced that in two years Anne had grown over thirteen centimetres and Margot one centimetre. On 13 June 1943, Anne copied part of the birthday poem Otto had written for her. In it he poems: 'Yes if one grows 10 centimetres, nothing fits any more, everyone understands that.'[16]
\r\n\r\nA map of the Normandy coast hung next to the growth lines. On 6 June 1944, the Allies landed at Normandy in France. Otto Frank cut a map from the front page of De Telegraaf of 8 June 1944, and mounted it on the wall. He kept track of the Allies' progress using map pins.
\r\n\r\nIn the mid-1950s, when it looked like it would not be possible to save the Secret Annex from demolition, Otto Frank decided to save the growth marks, the map of Normandy and the pictures on the left wall of Anne's room. He cut them from the wall with wallpaper and all. In the end, the Secret Annex was preserved after all. The cut-out pieces of wallpaper were put back in place, but the rest of the walls were in very poor condition. Over the years, souvenir hunters had taken pieces of wallpaper and pictures. The pictures that had fallen off the wall had been put back in place with adhesive tape, and a leak further damaged the walls. Photographs taken in 1954 by Maria Austria and those from the 1980s show some of the missing pictures. Like the three pictures in Peter's room.
\r\n\r\nBased on historical and material-technical research, all the walls with pictures were restored and conserved in early 2000.[6] It was then decided to make the pictures look not only as Anne had hung them, but also as they had become over time, including cracks, missing pieces, discolouration and moisture spots, which had developed in the post-war years.
\r\n\r\nAl voor de onderduikperiode begon Anne met het verzamelen van filmsterrenplaatjes en ansichtkaarten.[1] Aan haar Amerikaanse penvriendin, Juanita Wagner, schreef Anne op 29 april 1939 dat haar collectie ‘picture-cards’ rond de achthonderd stuks telde.[2] Deze verzameling ging van het Merwedeplein mee naar het Achterhuis. In haar dagboek schrijft Anne hierover:
\r\n\r\n'Ons kamertje was met die strakke muren tot nu toe erg kaal; dank zij vader die m'n hele prentbriefkaarten en filmsterverzameling van tevoren al meegenomen had, heb ik met een lijmpot en kwast de hele muur bestreken en van de kamer één plaatje gemaakt. Daardoor ziet het er veel vrolijker uit (…)'[3]\r\n\r\n
Anne besteedde veel tijd aan haar verzameling. Ze breidde hem uit met nieuwe plaatjes afkomstig uit tijdschriften, die ze van de helpers kreeg. Zoals Libelle, Panorama en Cinema & Theater. Ze haalde plaatjes van de muur af, of hing ze over elkaar heen met ‘lijmpot en kwast’ of met ‘fotohoekjes’, om ze zo makkelijker te kunnen verwisselen.[3][4] Ook gaf ze een paar filmsterrenplaatjes weg aan Peter, die hij in zijn eigen kamer ophing. Anne had hem er graag meer geven, maar hij slaat dit aanbod vriendelijk af: 'Ik laat het liever zo, deze hier, daar kijk ik elke dag tegen aan en dat zijn mijn vrienden geworden.'[5]
\r\n\r\nOnderzoek naar de wanden in het Achterhuis heeft in totaal zevenenzeventig plaatjesbeschrijvingen opgeleverd.[6] Veertig plaatjes knipte Anne uit verschillende tijdschriften, waarvan negentwintig uit de Libelle. Veel filmsterren haalde zij uit jaargang 1939-1940 van de Libelle.[7] Amerikaanse filmsterren stonden er, naarmate de bezetting vorderde, steeds minder in. Uit jaargang 1941 haalde ze voornamelijk kinderfoto’s,[8] tekeningen en twee kunstgeschiedenis afbeeldingen.
\r\n\r\nUit alle verschillende plaatjes valt Annes interesse af te leiden. Tijdens de onderduik raakte ze meer geïnteresseerd in geschiedenis en mythologie. Met Margot studeerde ze hard ‘om niet dom te blijven’.[9] Het verhaaltje Filmster-Illusie waar Anne een ontmoeting met de Lane Sisters beschrijft, eindigt met de woorden dat ze ‘voor goed van alle beroemdheidsillusies genezen’ is.[10] Uit het plaatjesonderzoek blijkt dat Anne de daad bij het woord voegde. Achter het plaatje van het beeldhouwwerk van Michelangelo zit een plaatje van de Lane Sisters verborgen en op de Amerikaanse actrice Sally Eilers heeft met punaises een landkaartje van Frans-Duits grensgebied vastgeprikt gezeten.[11]
\r\n\r\nOok een aantal kinderfoto’s en tekeningen heeft plaats moeten maken voor volwassenere afbeeldingen. Zo plakte Anne Hermes op een meisje met een springtouw, Paracelsus op een meisje met een parasol en een zelfportret van Leonardo da Vinci op een meisje dat samen met haar poppen de was doet.[12]
\r\n\r\nAnne zette haar interesse voor filmsterren niet helemaal aan de kant. In januari 1944 schrijft ze dat ze nog veel zondagen aan het uitzoeken en sorteren van haar grote filmsterrenverzameling besteedde, ‘die een zeer respectabele omvang aangenomen heeft’.[13] Wel had ze er steeds minder tijd voor. Zo schrijft ze in mei 1944: ‘Al m’n filmsterren liggen in vreselijke wanorde door elkaar en snakken naar een opruiming.’ Maar omdat ze ‘in het werk stikt, wordt de chaos toch nog maar chaos gelaten.’[14]
\r\n\r\nNaast tijdschriftplaatjes en ansichtkaarten van filmsterren en kinderen hing ze ook cartoons, landschappen, dieren en leden van vorstenhuizen aan haar muur. Over de ansichtkaart van de Koninklijke familie, die ze eerst in haar fotoalbum plakte en later met een punaise aan haar muur prikte, schrijft ze dat Bep Voskuijl die speciaal voor haar had laten afdrukken.[15]
\r\n\r\nDe Groningse ontwikkelingspsycholoog Gerrit Breeuwsma vergelijkt Annes verzamelwoede met de gewoonte van zo ongeveer elk kind om zijn of haar slaapkamer van onder tot boven te behangen met posters en foto's van favoriete filmsterren en artiesten. Hij noemt dat 'een uitstapje buiten de veilige wereld van het gezinsleven en een zoektocht naar culturele vignetten die bij hun interesses passen.' Maar hij vindt de diversiteit en ontwikkeling van Annes verzameling bijzonder. Hij ziet Annes knipselverzameling als de motor tot haar wil om te creëren. In aanleg is elk kind een verzamelaar. Vaak komt dit voort uit de behoefte iets compleet te krijgen. Zo is in ieder geval iets in het leven volmaakt. Maar bij Anne Frank zie je dat haar verzameling ook haar fantasie en creativiteit voedt. Creativiteit kun je zien als een letterlijke en figuurlijke ontsnapping aan de realiteit.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn de woon- slaapkamer van de familie Frank werd met potloodstreepjes op het behang de groei van Anne en Margot bijgehouden. Hieruit valt af te leiden dat Anne in twee jaar ruim dertien centimeter was gegroeid en Margot één. Anne schrijft op 13 juni 1943 een deel van het verjaardagsgedicht over dat Otto voor haar had geschreven. Hierin dichtte hij: 'Ja als men groeit 10 centimeter, Past niets meer, dat begrijpt eenieder.'[16]
\r\n\r\nNaast de groeistreepjes hangt een landkaartje van de Normandische kust. Op 6 juni 1944 landden de geallieerden in Normandië in Frankrijk. Otto Frank knipte uit de voorpagina van De Telegraaf van 8 juni 1944 een landkaartje uit en hing het aan de muur. Met knopspelden hield hij de vorderingen van de geallieerden bij.
\r\n\r\nHalverwege de jaren vijftig, toen het ernaar uitzag dat het Achterhuis niet van de sloop gered kon worden, besloot Otto Frank om de groeistreepjes, het kaartje van Normandië en de plaatjes op de linkerwand van Annes kamer te redden. Hij sneed ze met behang en al uit de muur. Uiteindelijk bleef het Achterhuis toch behouden. De uitgesneden stukken behang werden weer teruggeplaatst, maar de wanden waren in erg slechte staat. In de loop der jaren hebben souvenirjagers stukjes behang en plaatjes meegenomen. De van de muur afgevallen plaatjes werden met plakband weer teruggeplaatst en door een lekkage zijn de wanden nog eens extra beschadigd. Op foto’s uit 1954 gemaakt door Maria Austria en op foto’s uit de jaren tachtig zijn sommige verdwenen plaatjes nog te zien. Zoals de drie plaatjes in Peters kamer.
\r\n\r\nAan de hand van historisch en materieel-technisch onderzoek werden begin 2000 alle plaatjeswanden gerestaureerd en geconserveerd.[6] Besloten is toen om de plaatjes te behouden zoals ze in de loop der tijd geworden zijn, inclusief scheuren, ontbrekende stukjes, verkleuring en vochtplekken, die in de naoorlogse jaren zijn ontstaan.
\r\n\r\nEven before going into hiding, Anne began collecting film star pictures and postcards.[1] To her American pen pal, Juanita Wagner, Anne wrote on 29 April 1939 that her collection of 'picture-cards' numbered around eight hundred.[2] This collection went with her from Merwedeplein to the Secret Annex. In her diary, Anne writes about it:
\r\n\r\nOur bedroom, with its blank walls, was very bare. Thanks to Father — who brought my entire postcard and movie-star collection here beforehand — and to a brush and a pot of glue, I was able to plaster the walls with pictures. It looks much more cheerful. (...).[3]\r\n\r\n
Anne spent a lot of time on her collection. She expanded it with new pictures taken from magazines, which she got from helpers. Such as Libelle, Panorama and Cinema & Theatre. She removed pictures from the wall, or hung them on top of each other with 'brush and a pot of glue' or with 'photo corners' to make them easier to change.[3][4] She also gave away a few movie star pictures to Peter, which he hung in his own room. Anne would have liked to have given him more, but he kindly declined this offer: 'I'd rather keep the one I've got. I look at it every day, and the people in it have become my friends.'[5]
\r\n\r\nResearch on the walls in the Secret Annex yielded a total of seventy-seven picture descriptions.[6] Forty pictures came from various magazines, of which twenty-nine were from Libelle. Many film stars came from Libelle in the years 1939-1940.[7] From Libelle in 1941 she cut out mainly children's pictures,[8] drawings and two art history images. American film stars were in fewer and fewer of these pictures as the occupation progressed.
\r\n\r\nAll the different pictures show Anne's interests. While in hiding, she became more interested in history and mythology. With Margot, she studied hard 'to keep from being ignorant'.[9] The story Film Star Illusion, in which Anne describes a meeting with the Lane Sisters that ends with the words that she is 'cured of all celebrity illusions for good '.[10] The picture research shows that Anne put her money where her mouth is. A picture of the Lane Sisters was hidden behind the picture of Michelangelo's sculpture, and a map of the French-German borderland was mounted with drawing pins on top of the photo of American actress Sally Eilers.[11]
\r\n\r\nA number of children's pictures and drawings were also replaced with more adult images. For example, Anne pinned Hermes on top of a picture of a girl with a skipping rope, Paracelsus on a girl with a parasol and a self-portrait of Leonardo da Vinci on a girl doing laundry with her dolls.[12]
\r\n\r\nAnne did not entirely put aside her interest in film stars. In January 1944, she wrote that she still spent many Sundays sorting out and sorting through her large film star collection, 'which has grown to a very respectable size'.[13] She did, however, have less and less time for it. In May 1944, for instance, she wrote: 'my movie stars are in a terrible disarray and are dying to be straightened out', but as she is 'up to her ears in work, they'll have to put up with the chaos a while longer'.[14]
\r\n\r\nBesides magazine pictures and postcards of film stars and children, she also pinned cartoons, landscapes, animals and members of royal families to her wall. About the postcard of the royal family, which she first stuck in her photo album and later pinned to her wall with a drawing pin, she writes that Bep Voskuijl had had it printed especially for her.[15]
\r\n\r\nDevelopmental psychologist Gerrit Breeuwsma compares Anne's passion for collecting with the habit of just about every child to wallpaper his or her bedroom from top to bottom with posters and photos of favorite film stars and artists. He calls this 'a trip outside the safe world of family life and a search for cultural vignettes that suit their interests.' But he finds the diversity and development of Anne's collection special. He sees Anne's collection of clippings as the driving force behind her will to create. Every child is a collector. Often this stems from the need to get something complete. That way, at least something in life is perfect. But with Anne Frank, you can see that her collection also feeds her imagination and creativity. Creativity can be seen as a literal and metaphorical escape from reality.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn the living room bedroom of the Frank family, pencil marks on the wallpaper had been used to keep track of Anne and Margot's growth. From this it can be deduced that in two years Anne had grown over thirteen centimetres and Margot one centimetre. On 13 June 1943, Anne copied part of the birthday poem Otto had written for her. In it he poems: 'Yes if one grows 10 centimetres, nothing fits any more, everyone understands that.'[16]
\r\n\r\nA map of the Normandy coast hung next to the growth lines. On 6 June 1944, the Allies landed at Normandy in France. Otto Frank cut a map from the front page of De Telegraaf of 8 June 1944, and mounted it on the wall. He kept track of the Allies' progress using map pins.
\r\n\r\nIn the mid-1950s, when it looked like it would not be possible to save the Secret Annex from demolition, Otto Frank decided to save the growth marks, the map of Normandy and the pictures on the left wall of Anne's room. He cut them from the wall with wallpaper and all. In the end, the Secret Annex was preserved after all. The cut-out pieces of wallpaper were put back in place, but the rest of the walls were in very poor condition. Over the years, souvenir hunters had taken pieces of wallpaper and pictures. The pictures that had fallen off the wall had been put back in place with adhesive tape, and a leak further damaged the walls. Photographs taken in 1954 by Maria Austria and those from the 1980s show some of the missing pictures. Like the three pictures in Peter's room.
\r\n\r\nBased on historical and material-technical research, all the walls with pictures were restored and conserved in early 2000.[6] It was then decided to make the pictures look not only as Anne had hung them, but also as they had become over time, including cracks, missing pieces, discolouration and moisture spots, which had developed in the post-war years.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diaries underpin everything that has become known about Anne Frank and the history of the time in hiding. After all, it is almost exclusively Anne's writings that document the course of the 25 months in hiding.
\r\n\r\nThe handwritten manuscript of Anne Frank's diaries, on the basis of which Otto Frank compiled the first edition of The Secret Annex (1947), consists of a red checked booklet, two cardboard notebooks and over 200 sheets of coloured copy paper. Otto Frank bequeathed his daughter Anne's manuscripts from the period of hiding to the State of the Netherlands. Since June 2009, they have been with the Anne Frank House. Since the scholarly edition of the diaries (1986), it has been customary to refer to these manuscripts successively as diaries 1, 2 and 3 (or A-version) and the loose sheets (or B-version).[1]
\r\n\r\nDiaries 1, 2 and 3 contain Anne Frank's original diary entries. On the loose sheets, she began rewriting and editing her original diary entries in the spring of 1944 with the intention of writing a novel entitled The Secret Annex.[2] Together with the Storybook, the Favourite Quotes Notebook and the Blanco Monster Electro Huishoudboek (photo album), these manuscripts form Anne Frank's legacy from the hiding period in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nFrom before the period in hiding, a number of letters written by Anne to her father and to her family in Switzerland have been preserved.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn Anne's handwriting, a number of rhymes are known in the poetry albums of her friends. Rhymes by Anne are known to exist in the albums of Juultje Ketellapper, Henny Scheerder, Mary Bos, Kitty Egyedi, Jacqueline van Maarsen, Hanneli Goslar, Ytje Swilens, Bep Groot Batavé, Dinie van Amelsbeek.[4] Also surviving from this period is the 'Egypt Book', a cardboard notebook in which Anne (re)wrote comments on pictures cut from a Kunst in Beeld worksheet on the history of Egypt.[5] It is assumed that this was an assignment made in the first year of secondary school. A similar piece of work was made by a former classmate of Anne Frank at the 6th Montessori school, Klaartje Musikant in the first year of HBS.
\r\n\r\nClassmates at the 6th Montessori school say Anne was writing stories back then.[6] None of these survived, however.
\r\n\r\nIn his book, Ernst Schnabel quoted Mr van Gelder, Anne's teacher in the first to fourth grades of the 6th Montessori school, as saying that Anne wrote good essays and wanted to be a writer.[7]
\r\n\r\nAnne received the famous red checked diary for her thirteenth birthday on 12 June 1942.[8] She addresses her first real diary entry on 14 June to her diary self: 'I'll begin from the moment I got you, the moment I saw you lying on the table among my other birthday presents. (I went along when you were bought, but that doesn't count).'[9] When she went into hiding a few weeks later with her parents and sister Margot, the diary is the first thing she packed, she later writes.[10]
\r\n\r\nOn Wednesday 8 July 1942, Anne wrote in her diary for the first time while in hiding.[9] She describes the day of Margot's call-up for labour and going into hiding. The second note is a reflection on her birthday exactly a month before.[11] This first diary runs until 5 December 1942.[12] "I may perhaps ask Bep if she could go to Perrij and see if they still sell diaries, otherwise I'll have to get a notebook soon, because my diary is getting full, too bad! I can fortunately stretch it a bit with the leaves I have stuck between them," Anne wrote on 20 October 1942.[13] Bep Voskuijl explained that Anne asked her for a diary that could be locked with a key, but that she did not manage to find such a thing at the time.[14] On 2 May 1943 and on 22 January 1944, Anne retrospectively added notes.[15] She also wrote then that by now she considered it a waste of the pages left empty.[16]
\r\n\r\nWhatever the case, the following diary or diaries are missing. The second surviving diary begins with the entry of 22 December 1943 and runs until 17 April 1943.[17] The third diary follows this and runs from 18 April 1943 to 1 August 1944 (three days before the arrest of the people in hiding and two of their helpers).[18] A whole year's worth of diary is therefore missing.
\r\n\r\nFrom the very first page, Anne addresses her diary personally, making her diary a friend.[19] She ends the diary entry of 21 September 1942 with: 'I would just love to correspond with somebody, so that is what I intend to do in future with my diary. I shall write it from now on in letter form, which actually comes to the same thing. Dear Jettje, (I shall simply say), My dear friend, both in the future as well as now I shall have a lot to tell you.'[20] That evening, Anne also writes a few lines to Emmy and asks her if she has read Joop ter Heul.[21]
\r\n\r\nFrom then on, Anne takes turns addressing her diary entries predominantly to different imaginary girlfriends: Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien and Loutje whom she partly borrowed from the characters in Cissy van Marxveldt's Joop ter Heul series.[22] She writes: 'I like this way of writing in my diary much better.'[23]
\r\n\r\nIn the Joop ter Heul series, Joop wrote letters to her friend Netty, but because her father only allowed her to write once a month (on Sundays) because of her school performance, she started keeping a diary (secretly) in her sister's old notebooks.[24]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul had a club with seven girlfriends (Pop, Pien, Noortje, Loutje, Kitty and Conny) whose name was formed by the initial letters of their names: the Jopopinoloukico club. Anne Frank also had a club with Sanne, Jacqueline, Ilse and Hanneli: the Little Bear minus 2.[9]
\r\n\r\nAnne loved Cissy van Marxveldt's books and had certainly read one volume of the Joop ter Heul series before going into hiding.[25] According to Jacqueline van Maarsen, Anne and she read the second volume. That would mean she would have finished the first volume at that point.[26] She read Een Zomerzotheid by Cissy van Marxveldt no less than four times.[27] While in hiding, Johannes Kleiman took his daughter's books for her.[27]
\r\n\r\nOn 21 September 1942, the day she started the letter form in her diary, she had just finished or almost finished Joop ter Heul and had to wait for Mr Kleiman to bring the last two volumes for her the next Saturday.[28] Two days after that, on 26 September, she had finished both of them (Joop van Dil-ter Heul and Joop en haar jongen). She liked the last volume best.[29]
\r\n\r\nAround the same period, Anne wrote a letter in her diary to Jacqueline van Maarsen and answered an imaginary letter from Jacqueline.[30] Anne wrote her diary letters to Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien and Loutje. She wrote to them about herself and the events in the Secret Annex. At the same time, she reacted to events and people who appeared in the Joop ter Heul books. For example, Anne asked Noortje to stay and arranged it with Noortje's mother.[31]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul talked about the distance that always existed between her and her mother.[32] Both Anne and Joop had a mother they could not discuss things with. The last diary entry from the first red checkered diary is addressed to Kitty.[28] From the very beginning, Anne made it clear that she preferred to write to Kitty.[33] The real Kitty from the Joop ter Heul series is called Kitty Franken.
\r\n\r\nIn diaries A2 and A3, Anne addresses entires only to Dear Kitty. Since 1943 is almost entirely missing from the A version, we do not know when Anne switched to this.
\r\n\r\nIn the first diary letter of the B version, Anne explained that the diary idea came about because she does not have a girlfriend, that the diary itself will be the girlfriend and that that girlfriend is called Kitty.[34] All the diary letters of the B version begin with Dear Kitty.
\r\n\r\nIn response to Minister of Education Bolkestein's appeal on Radio Orange on 28 March 1944, Anne began rewriting her original diary on loose (light yellow, light blue, pink and grey) sheets of copy paper, commonly called the loose sheets, in late May 1944.[35] Bep Voskuijl stated that she had provided Anne with this carbon copy paper.[14]
\r\n\r\n"Mr. Bolkestein, the Cabinet Minister, speaking on the Dutch broadcast from London, said that after the war, a collection would be made of diaries and letters dealing with the war. Of course everyone pounced on my diary. Just imagine how interesting it would be if I were to publish a novel about the Secret Annex. The title alone would make people think it was a detective story."\r\n\r\n
And on Saturday 20 May 1944, Anne Frank writes: "At long last after a great deal of reflection I have started my 'Achterhuis', in my head it is as good as finished, although it won't go as quickly as that really, if it ever comes off at all."
\r\n\r\nThe loose sheets cover the period from 20 June 1942 to 29 March 1944. Anne thus edited her original diaries into the B-version in just over two months. It is important to realise here that although Anne used her original diaries as a basis, the B version was written retrospectively. She describes events from 1942 and 1943 in the spring and summer of 1944. For example, in the A-version, she writes of her diary: "I am oh so glad I took you with me."[29] In the B-version, she emphasises the importance of her diary by writing that she packed it first on the night before they went into hiding.[10]
\r\n\r\nThe fountain pen Anne wrote with, a present from Grandma Höllander for her ninth birthday, accidentally disappeared into the stove along with the potato peels.[36]
\r\n\r\nAnne repeatedly mentions how important writing is to her. For instance, she thanks God for giving her the opportunity to express herself through it.[37] She writes that she wants to become a journalist and: "no one who does not write knows how fine writing is; I used to regret that I could not draw at all, but now I am overjoyed that at least I can write."
\r\n\r\nIn the summer of 1943, Anne started writing stories. The stories were recorded in the diary, on loose sheets and in a cardboard notebook.[38] She wanted to try to get one of her fairy tales placed in the magazine De Prins under a nom de plume, but thought it would not succeed because her fairy tales were too long.[39] Otto Frank said about this after the war that Anne asked Kleiman to send the story Blurry the Explorer under his daughter's name. Kleiman thought this was too dangerous. In the story The Best Little Table, we read that Anne had daily access to the little table in the room she shared with Fritz Pfeffer from 2.30 to 4 pm.[40] With great difficulty, she fought for an extra hour and a half twice a week.
\r\n\r\nAround the same time when Anne started writing her stories, she received the booklet Literature and Style Study for her fourteenth birthday.[41] It was an anthology of literary prose and verse explaining stylistic figures and characteristics of different writers.
\r\n\r\nDe dagboeken van Anne Frank liggen ten grondslag aan alles wat bekend is geworden over Anne Frank en de onderduikgeschiedenis. Het zijn immers vrijwel alleen Annes geschriften die het verloop van de 25 maanden onderduik documenteren.
\r\n\r\nHet handgeschreven manuscript van de dagboeken van Anne Frank op basis waarvan Otto Frank de eerste editie van Het Achterhuis (1947) samenstelde, bestaat uit een rood geruit boekje, twee gekartonneerde schriften en ruim 200 vellen gekleurd doorslagpapier. Otto Frank heeft de handschriften van zijn dochter Anne uit de periode van de onderduik nagelaten aan de Staat der Nederlanden. Sinds juni 2009 bevinden deze zich bij de Anne Frank Stichting. Sinds de wetenschappelijke editie van de dagboeken (1986) is het gebruikelijk deze handschriften achtereenvolgens dagboek 1, 2 en 3 (of A-versie) en de losse vellen (of B-versie) te noemen.[1]
\r\n\r\nDagboek 1, 2 en 3 bevatten de oorspronkelijke dagboekaantekeningen van Anne Frank. Op de losse vellen begint ze in het voorjaar van 1944 haar oorspronkelijke dagboekaantekeningen te herschrijven en bewerken met de bedoeling een roman getiteld Het Achterhuis te schrijven.[2] Samen met het Verhaaltjesboek, het Mooie-zinnenboek en het Blanco Monster Electro Huishoudboek (fotoalbum) vormen deze handschriften de nalatenschap van Anne Frank uit de onderduikperiode in het Achterhuis.
\r\n\r\nVan voor de onderduikperiode zijn een aantal brieven van Anne bewaard gebleven die zij schreef aan haar vader en aan haar familie in Zwitserland.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn het handschrift van Anne is een aantal versjes bekend in de poëziealbums van vriendinnetjes.Er zijn versjes bekend van Anne in de albums van Juultje Ketellapper, Henny Scheerder, Mary Bos, Kitty Egyedi, Jacqueline van Maarsen, Hanneli Goslar, Ytje Swilens, Bep Groot Batavé, Dinie van Amelsbeek.[4] Verder is overgeleverd uit deze periode het z.g. Egypteboek, een gekartonneerd schrift waarin Anne commentaar heeft (over)geschreven bij plaatjes geknipt uit een werkblad van Kunst in Beeld over de geschiedenis van Egypte.[5] Verondersteld wordt dat dit een werkstuk is gemaakt in de eerste klas van de middelbare school. Eenzelfde soort werkstuk werd gemaakt door een voormalig klasgenootje van Anne Frank op de 6e Montessorischool, Klaartje Musikant in de eerste klas van de HBS.
\r\n\r\nKlasgenoten op de 6e Montessorischool zeggen dat Anne toen al verhaaltjes schreef.[6] Als dit al zo is, dan is hier niets van overgeleverd.
\r\n\r\nErnst Schnabel citeerde in zijn boek meneer Van Gelder, Annes leraar in de eerste tot en met de vierde klas van de 6e Montessorischool, dat Anne goede opstellen schreef en schrijfster wilde worden.[7]
\r\n\r\nAnne kreeg het bekende rood-geruite dagboekje voor haar dertiende verjaardag op 12 juni 1942.[8] Haar eerste echte dagboeknotitie op 14 juni richt ze aan haar dagboek zelf: 'ik zal maar beginnen vanaf het ogenblik dat ik je gekregen heb, dus dat ik je heb zien liggen op mijn verjaardagstafel, (want het kopen, waar ik ook bij ben geweest telt niet mee).'[9]Toen ze enkele weken later met haar ouders en zus Margot ging onderduiken, is het dagboek het eerste wat ze inpakte, schrijft ze later.[10]
\r\n\r\nOp woensdag 8 juli 1942 schrijft Anne voor het eerst in onderduik in haar dagboek.[9] Ze beschrijft de dag van de oproep van Margot en het gaan onderduiken. De tweede notitie is een reflectie op haar verjaardag precies een maand daarvoor.[11] Dit eerste dagboekje loopt tot 5 december 1942.[12] 'Ik mag Bep misschien vragen of zij bij Perrij eens kan gaan kijken of die nog dagboeken verkopen, want anders moet ik gauw een schrift nemen, want mijn dagboek raakt vol, jammer! Ik kan het gelukkig nog wat strekken met de bladeren die ik er tussen heb geplakt', schrijft Anne op 20 oktober 1942.[13] Bep Voskuijl heeft verklaard dat Anne haar vroeg om een dagboek dat met een sleuteltje te sluiten was, maar dat het haar destijds niet lukte om zoiets te vinden.[14] Op 2 mei 1943 en op 22 januari 1944 voegde Anne in retrospectief aantekeningen toe.[15] Ze schreef toen ook dat ze het inmiddels zonde van de opengelaten bladzijden vond.[16]
\r\n\r\nHoe dan ook, het volgende dagboek of dagboeken ontbreken. Het tweede overgeleverde dagboek begint met de notitie van 22 december 1943 en loopt tot 17 april 1943.[17] Het derde dagboek sluit hierop aan en loopt van 18 april 1943 tot en met 1 augustus 1944 (drie dagen voor de arrestatie van de onderduikers en twee van hun helpers).[18] Een heel jaar ‘dagboek’ ontbreekt dus.
\r\n\r\nVanaf de eerste pagina richt Anne zich persoonlijk tot haar dagboek en maakt haar dagboek tot een vriendin.[19] De dagboeknotitie van 21 september 1942 eindigt ze met: 'ik heb zo’n zin om met iemand te corresponderen, en dat zal ik dus in het vervolg maar met mijn dagboek doen. Ik schrijf dus nu in briefvorm wat feitelijk op hetzelfde neerkomt. Lieve Jettje (zal ik maar zeggen,) mijn lieve vriendin, ik zal je in het vervolg en ook nu nog veel te vertellen hebben.'[20] Die avond schrijft Anne ook nog een paar regeltjes aan Emmy en vraagt haar of ze Joop ter Heul heeft gelezen.[21]
\r\n\r\nVanaf dat moment richt Anne haar dagboeknotities om beurten overwegend aan verschillende denkbeeldige vriendinnen: Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien en Loutje die ze gedeeltelijk ontleende aan de karakters uit de Joop ter Heul reeks van Cissy van Marxveldt.[22] Ze schrijft: 'deze manier om in mijn dagboek te schrijven vind ik veel fijner.'[23]
\r\n\r\nIn de Joop ter Heul-reeks schreef Joop brieven aan haar vriendin Netty, maar omdat ze van haar vader vanwege haar schoolprestaties maar een keer per maand (op zondag) mocht schrijven, ging ze (stiekem) in oude schriften van haar zus een dagboek bijhouden.[24]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul had met zeven vriendinnen (Pop, Pien, Noortje, Loutje, Kitty en Conny) een club waarvan de naam gevormd werd door de beginletters van hun namen: de Jopopinoloukicoclub. Anne Frank had met Sanne, Jacqueline, Ilse en Hanneli ook een club: de Kleine Beer minus-2.[9]
\r\n\r\nAnne was dol op de boeken van Cissy van Marxveldt en had zeker al voor de onderduik een deel uit de Joop ter Heul-reeks gelezen.[25] Volgens Jacqueline van Maarsen lazen Anne en zij het tweede deel. Dat zou betekenen dat zij hier het eerste deel uit had.[26] Een Zomerzotheid van Cissy van Marxveldt las ze maar liefst vier keer.[27] Tijdens de onderduik nam Johannes Kleiman de boeken van zijn dochter voor haar mee.[27]
\r\n\r\nOp 21 september 1942, de dag dat ze in haar dagboek begint met de briefvorm, heeft ze net of bijna Joop ter Heul uit en moet ze wachten tot meneer Kleiman de komende zaterdag de laatste twee delen voor haar meeneemt.[28] Twee dagen daarna, op 26 september heeft ze die allebei (Joop van Dil-ter Heul en Joop en haar jongen) uit. Ze vindt het laatste deel het leukst.[29]
\r\n\r\nOmstreeks dezelfde periode schrijft Anne in haar dagboek een brief aan Jacqueline van Maarsen en beantwoordt een denkbeeldige brief van Jacqueline.[30] Anne schrijft haar dagboekbrieven aan Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien en Loutje. Ze schrijft hen over zichzelf en over de gebeurtenissen in het Achterhuis. Tegelijkertijd reageert ze op gebeurtenissen en personen die voorkomen in de boeken van Joop ter Heul. Zo vraagt Anne Noortje te logeren en regelt dat met de moeder van Noortje.[31]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul had het over de afstand die er tussen haar en haar moeder altijd geweest is.[32] Zowel Anne als Joop hadden een moeder waar ze geen dingen mee kunnen bespreken. De laatste dagboeknotitie uit het eerste rood-geruite dagboekje is gericht aan Kitty.[28] Al vanaf het begin heeft Anne duidelijk gemaakt dat ze het liefst aan Kitty schrijft.[33] De echte Kitty uit de Joop ter Heul-reeks heet Kitty Franken.
\r\n\r\nIn dagboek A2 en A3 richt Anne zich alleen nog tot lieve Kitty. Omdat in de A-versie 1943 bijna geheel ontbreekt, weten we niet wanneer Anne hiertoe is overgegaan.
\r\n\r\nIn de eerste dagboekbrief van de B-versie legt Anne uit dat het dagboekidee is ontstaan omdat ze geen vriendin heeft, dat het dagboek zelf de vriendin zal zijn en dat die vriendin Kitty heet.[34] Alle dagboekbrieven van de B-versie beginnen met lieve Kitty.
\r\n\r\nNaar aanleiding van de oproep van minister van onderwijs Bolkestein op radio Oranje op 28 maart 1944 begint Anne eind mei 1944 haar originele dagboek te herschrijven op losse (lichtgele, lichtblauwe, roze en grauwe) velletjes doorslagpapier, meestal de losse vellen genoemd.[35] Bep Voskuijl heeft verklaard dat zij Anne had voorzien van dit doorslagpapier.[14]
\r\n\r\n'Lieve Kitty, Gisterenavond sprak minister Bolkesteyn aan de Oranjezender erover dat er na de oorlog een inzameling van dagboeken en brieven van deze oorlog zou worden gehouden. Natuurlijk stormden ze allemaal direct op mijn dagboek af. Stel je eens voor hoe interessant het zou zijn, als ik een roman van het Achterhuis uit zou geven, aan de titel alleen zouden de mensen denken dat het een detective-roman was.'\r\n\r\n
En op zaterdag 20 mei 1944 schrijft Anne Frank: 'Eindelijk na heel veel overpeinzingen ben ik dan met m’n Achterhuis begonnen, in m’n hoofd is het al zover af als het kan, maar in werkelijkheid zal het wel heel wat minder gauw gaan, als het wel ooit afkomt.'
\r\n\r\nDe losse vellen beslaan de periode van 20 juni 1942 tot en met 29 maart 1944. Anne heeft dus in ruim twee maanden haar oorspronkelijke dagboeken bewerkt tot versie-B. Het is belangrijk om hierbij te beseffen dat, hoewel Anne haar oorspronkelijke dagboeken als basis gebruikte, de B-versie in retrospectief geschreven is. Ze beschrijft gebeurtenissen uit 1942 en 1943 in het voorjaar en de zomer van 1944. Zo schrijft ze in A-versie over haar dagboek: 'Ik ben o zo blij dat ik je meegenomen heb.'[29] In de B-versie benadrukt ze het belang van haar dagboek door te schrijven dat ze het als eerste inpakte op de avond voordat ze gingen onderduiken.[10]
\r\n\r\nDe vulpen waarmee Anne schreef, een cadeau van oma Höllander voor haar negende verjaardag, verdween per ongeluk samen met de aardappelschillen in de kachel.[36]
\r\n\r\nAnne noemt herhaaldelijk hoe belangrijk schrijven voor haar is. Zo dankt ze God dat hij haar daarmee de mogelijkheid heeft gegeven om zich uit te drukken.[37] Ze schrijft dat ze journaliste wil worden en: ‘niemand die niet schrijft weet hoe fijn schrijven is; vroeger betreurde ik het altijd dat ik in ’t geheel niet tekenen kon, maar nu ben ik overgelukkig dat ik tenminste schrijven kan.’
\r\n\r\nIn de zomer van 1943 begon Anne met het schrijven van verhaaltjes. De verhaaltjes zijn opgetekend in het dagboek, op de losse vellen en in een gekartonneerd schrift.[38] Ze wilde proberen onder pseudoniem een van haar sprookjes in het blad de Prins geplaatst te krijgen, maar dacht dat dat niet zou lukken omdat haar sprookjes te lang zijn.[39] Otto Frank vertelde hierover na de oorlog dat Anne aan Kleiman vroeg om onder de naam van zijn dochter het verhaaltje Blurry op te sturen. Kleiman vond dit te gevaarlijk. In het verhaaltje Het beste tafeltje lezen we dat Anne dagelijks van half drie tot vier uur kon beschikken over het tafeltje in de kamer die ze met Fritz Pfeffer deelde.[40] Met veel moeite bevocht ze twee keer in de week een extra anderhalf uur.
\r\n\r\nOmstreeks dezelfde tijd dat Anne met haar verhaaltjes begon kreeg ze voor haar veertiende verjaardag het boekje Literatuur- en Stijlstudie.[41] Het was een bloemlezing uit literair proza en verzen waarbij stijlfiguren en karakteristieken van de verschillende schrijvers werden toegelicht.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diaries underpin everything that has become known about Anne Frank and the history of the time in hiding. After all, it is almost exclusively Anne's writings that document the course of the 25 months in hiding.
\r\n\r\nThe handwritten manuscript of Anne Frank's diaries, on the basis of which Otto Frank compiled the first edition of The Secret Annex (1947), consists of a red checked booklet, two cardboard notebooks and over 200 sheets of coloured copy paper. Otto Frank bequeathed his daughter Anne's manuscripts from the period of hiding to the State of the Netherlands. Since June 2009, they have been with the Anne Frank House. Since the scholarly edition of the diaries (1986), it has been customary to refer to these manuscripts successively as diaries 1, 2 and 3 (or A-version) and the loose sheets (or B-version).[1]
\r\n\r\nDiaries 1, 2 and 3 contain Anne Frank's original diary entries. On the loose sheets, she began rewriting and editing her original diary entries in the spring of 1944 with the intention of writing a novel entitled The Secret Annex.[2] Together with the Storybook, the Favourite Quotes Notebook and the Blanco Monster Electro Huishoudboek (photo album), these manuscripts form Anne Frank's legacy from the hiding period in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nFrom before the period in hiding, a number of letters written by Anne to her father and to her family in Switzerland have been preserved.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn Anne's handwriting, a number of rhymes are known in the poetry albums of her friends. Rhymes by Anne are known to exist in the albums of Juultje Ketellapper, Henny Scheerder, Mary Bos, Kitty Egyedi, Jacqueline van Maarsen, Hanneli Goslar, Ytje Swilens, Bep Groot Batavé, Dinie van Amelsbeek.[4] Also surviving from this period is the 'Egypt Book', a cardboard notebook in which Anne (re)wrote comments on pictures cut from a Kunst in Beeld worksheet on the history of Egypt.[5] It is assumed that this was an assignment made in the first year of secondary school. A similar piece of work was made by a former classmate of Anne Frank at the 6th Montessori school, Klaartje Musikant in the first year of HBS.
\r\n\r\nClassmates at the 6th Montessori school say Anne was writing stories back then.[6] None of these survived, however.
\r\n\r\nIn his book, Ernst Schnabel quoted Mr van Gelder, Anne's teacher in the first to fourth grades of the 6th Montessori school, as saying that Anne wrote good essays and wanted to be a writer.[7]
\r\n\r\nAnne received the famous red checked diary for her thirteenth birthday on 12 June 1942.[8] She addresses her first real diary entry on 14 June to her diary self: 'I'll begin from the moment I got you, the moment I saw you lying on the table among my other birthday presents. (I went along when you were bought, but that doesn't count).'[9] When she went into hiding a few weeks later with her parents and sister Margot, the diary is the first thing she packed, she later writes.[10]
\r\n\r\nOn Wednesday 8 July 1942, Anne wrote in her diary for the first time while in hiding.[9] She describes the day of Margot's call-up for labour and going into hiding. The second note is a reflection on her birthday exactly a month before.[11] This first diary runs until 5 December 1942.[12] "I may perhaps ask Bep if she could go to Perrij and see if they still sell diaries, otherwise I'll have to get a notebook soon, because my diary is getting full, too bad! I can fortunately stretch it a bit with the leaves I have stuck between them," Anne wrote on 20 October 1942.[13] Bep Voskuijl explained that Anne asked her for a diary that could be locked with a key, but that she did not manage to find such a thing at the time.[14] On 2 May 1943 and on 22 January 1944, Anne retrospectively added notes.[15] She also wrote then that by now she considered it a waste of the pages left empty.[16]
\r\n\r\nWhatever the case, the following diary or diaries are missing. The second surviving diary begins with the entry of 22 December 1943 and runs until 17 April 1943.[17] The third diary follows this and runs from 18 April 1943 to 1 August 1944 (three days before the arrest of the people in hiding and two of their helpers).[18] A whole year's worth of diary is therefore missing.
\r\n\r\nFrom the very first page, Anne addresses her diary personally, making her diary a friend.[19] She ends the diary entry of 21 September 1942 with: 'I would just love to correspond with somebody, so that is what I intend to do in future with my diary. I shall write it from now on in letter form, which actually comes to the same thing. Dear Jettje, (I shall simply say), My dear friend, both in the future as well as now I shall have a lot to tell you.'[20] That evening, Anne also writes a few lines to Emmy and asks her if she has read Joop ter Heul.[21]
\r\n\r\nFrom then on, Anne takes turns addressing her diary entries predominantly to different imaginary girlfriends: Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien and Loutje whom she partly borrowed from the characters in Cissy van Marxveldt's Joop ter Heul series.[22] She writes: 'I like this way of writing in my diary much better.'[23]
\r\n\r\nIn the Joop ter Heul series, Joop wrote letters to her friend Netty, but because her father only allowed her to write once a month (on Sundays) because of her school performance, she started keeping a diary (secretly) in her sister's old notebooks.[24]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul had a club with seven girlfriends (Pop, Pien, Noortje, Loutje, Kitty and Conny) whose name was formed by the initial letters of their names: the Jopopinoloukico club. Anne Frank also had a club with Sanne, Jacqueline, Ilse and Hanneli: the Little Bear minus 2.[9]
\r\n\r\nAnne loved Cissy van Marxveldt's books and had certainly read one volume of the Joop ter Heul series before going into hiding.[25] According to Jacqueline van Maarsen, Anne and she read the second volume. That would mean she would have finished the first volume at that point.[26] She read Een Zomerzotheid by Cissy van Marxveldt no less than four times.[27] While in hiding, Johannes Kleiman took his daughter's books for her.[27]
\r\n\r\nOn 21 September 1942, the day she started the letter form in her diary, she had just finished or almost finished Joop ter Heul and had to wait for Mr Kleiman to bring the last two volumes for her the next Saturday.[28] Two days after that, on 26 September, she had finished both of them (Joop van Dil-ter Heul and Joop en haar jongen). She liked the last volume best.[29]
\r\n\r\nAround the same period, Anne wrote a letter in her diary to Jacqueline van Maarsen and answered an imaginary letter from Jacqueline.[30] Anne wrote her diary letters to Jettje, Emmy, Pop, Marianne, Kitty, Conny, Pien and Loutje. She wrote to them about herself and the events in the Secret Annex. At the same time, she reacted to events and people who appeared in the Joop ter Heul books. For example, Anne asked Noortje to stay and arranged it with Noortje's mother.[31]
\r\n\r\nJoop ter Heul talked about the distance that always existed between her and her mother.[32] Both Anne and Joop had a mother they could not discuss things with. The last diary entry from the first red checkered diary is addressed to Kitty.[28] From the very beginning, Anne made it clear that she preferred to write to Kitty.[33] The real Kitty from the Joop ter Heul series is called Kitty Franken.
\r\n\r\nIn diaries A2 and A3, Anne addresses entires only to Dear Kitty. Since 1943 is almost entirely missing from the A version, we do not know when Anne switched to this.
\r\n\r\nIn the first diary letter of the B version, Anne explained that the diary idea came about because she does not have a girlfriend, that the diary itself will be the girlfriend and that that girlfriend is called Kitty.[34] All the diary letters of the B version begin with Dear Kitty.
\r\n\r\nIn response to Minister of Education Bolkestein's appeal on Radio Orange on 28 March 1944, Anne began rewriting her original diary on loose (light yellow, light blue, pink and grey) sheets of copy paper, commonly called the loose sheets, in late May 1944.[35] Bep Voskuijl stated that she had provided Anne with this carbon copy paper.[14]
\r\n\r\n"Mr. Bolkestein, the Cabinet Minister, speaking on the Dutch broadcast from London, said that after the war, a collection would be made of diaries and letters dealing with the war. Of course everyone pounced on my diary. Just imagine how interesting it would be if I were to publish a novel about the Secret Annex. The title alone would make people think it was a detective story."\r\n\r\n
And on Saturday 20 May 1944, Anne Frank writes: "At long last after a great deal of reflection I have started my 'Achterhuis', in my head it is as good as finished, although it won't go as quickly as that really, if it ever comes off at all."
\r\n\r\nThe loose sheets cover the period from 20 June 1942 to 29 March 1944. Anne thus edited her original diaries into the B-version in just over two months. It is important to realise here that although Anne used her original diaries as a basis, the B version was written retrospectively. She describes events from 1942 and 1943 in the spring and summer of 1944. For example, in the A-version, she writes of her diary: "I am oh so glad I took you with me."[29] In the B-version, she emphasises the importance of her diary by writing that she packed it first on the night before they went into hiding.[10]
\r\n\r\nThe fountain pen Anne wrote with, a present from Grandma Höllander for her ninth birthday, accidentally disappeared into the stove along with the potato peels.[36]
\r\n\r\nAnne repeatedly mentions how important writing is to her. For instance, she thanks God for giving her the opportunity to express herself through it.[37] She writes that she wants to become a journalist and: "no one who does not write knows how fine writing is; I used to regret that I could not draw at all, but now I am overjoyed that at least I can write."
\r\n\r\nIn the summer of 1943, Anne started writing stories. The stories were recorded in the diary, on loose sheets and in a cardboard notebook.[38] She wanted to try to get one of her fairy tales placed in the magazine De Prins under a nom de plume, but thought it would not succeed because her fairy tales were too long.[39] Otto Frank said about this after the war that Anne asked Kleiman to send the story Blurry the Explorer under his daughter's name. Kleiman thought this was too dangerous. In the story The Best Little Table, we read that Anne had daily access to the little table in the room she shared with Fritz Pfeffer from 2.30 to 4 pm.[40] With great difficulty, she fought for an extra hour and a half twice a week.
\r\n\r\nAround the same time when Anne started writing her stories, she received the booklet Literature and Style Study for her fourteenth birthday.[41] It was an anthology of literary prose and verse explaining stylistic figures and characteristics of different writers.
\r\n\r\nThe theme of food is closely related to the topics of Rationing and Supply in general. After all, what was eaten, and how much, partly depended on these aspects. Food was not initially lacking in the Secret Annex. Sufficient food was available through regular and clandestine distribution channels.
\r\n\r\nFrom 8 August 1943, a 'customer loyalty' scheme for fruit and vegetables came into effect in many places, including Amsterdam. This meant that every household had to commit to a regular greengrocer for each four-week period. The latter issued a 'family card' by name and had to ensure collection of vouchers and reasonable distribution of his supply, depending on the number of family members.[1] How the helpers solved this complication in practice is not known.
\r\n\r\nVegetables and potatoes came from greengrocer Van Hoeve on Leliegracht; for bread, an arrangement was made with baker Siemons.[2] Meat came from a butcher in the area known to Hermann van Pels, probably - based on the menu mentioned below with 'Roastbeaf SCHOLTE' - Piet Scholte's branch on Elandsgracht.[3] As time passed, difficulties arose, which had several causes. Victor Kugler wrote years later in his recollections that gradually the problems grew; food in particular became scarce.[4] Austerity of meals and rations repeatedly gave rise to quarrels. Using Anne's notes and various external sources, various aspects of the issue can be well described and also explained.
\r\n\r\nAt the start of the hiding period, a substantial stock of food had been established, including one hundred and fifty tins of canned vegetables. Through business contacts, powdered milk, wheat starch and sugar were always available in ample quantities, with which, according to Kugler, nutritious puddings could be made.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn the late summer and autumn of 1942, Anne writes that she and Hermann van Pels ate heavily.[6] At the same time, fat rations steadily decreased in the second half of 1942.[7] On 7 October that year, we can read about the tensions caused by whether or not butter was spread on bread in the Secret Annex.[8] At the time, the official butter/fat ration amounted to 62½ grams per person per week.[9] Anne reports the delivery of 135 kilos of pulses in November.[10] In March 1943, she writes that her mother arranged for the children to receive extra butter.[11] However, it was the rationing system that determined that the youth between the ages of 4 and 21 received a higher fat ration.[12] On the same day, she writes that she got tired of white and brown beans, and that the 'evening bread ration' had been withdrawn.[11] The abundance of beans can be explained by the aforementioned 135 kilos. Given the lenient arrangement with Siemons, why bread consumption was reduced is unclear.
\r\n\r\nIt became especially apparent in the first months of 1944 that external factors had a major influence. The arrest of voucher suppliers Brouwer and Daatzelaar in March jeopardised the supply of potatoes and butter, among other things.[13] Fried potatoes for breakfast were therefore replaced by porridge.[14] It proved possible to buy extra whole milk, which was done at Mrs Van Pels' insistence. Whole milk was officially reserved for children under 14, so that purchase was clandestine. Black market milk prices in early 1944 were around 40 to 50 cents per litre in Amsterdam-Noord and up to 1.30 to 1.50 guilders per litre in Zuid.[15] So it's likely the people in hiding incurred relatively high costs for extra milk. This suggests that shortages in the Secret Annex were due more to scarcity and distribution problems than to lack of money.
\r\n\r\nAnne complained on 8 May 1944 that they were constantly eating 'lettuce, stewing lettuce, spinach, spinach and more spinach '. During this period, a shortage of fertilisers led to crop restrictions. Especially the so-called 'mass products' were widely available then, a category that included the controversial leafy vegetables.[16]
\r\n\r\nProblems did grow after the arrest of greengrocer Van Hoeve in late May 1944. The growing shortage of potatoes and vegetables led to the gradual abolition of breakfast.[17] Compensating by bringing lunch forward could not conceal the fact that scarcity had increased.
\r\n\r\nThere was room to do something extra now and then. In the early days, the Franks, at that time alone in the Secret Annex, received rhubarb, strawberries and cherries from the helpers.[18] To mark Jan and Miep's wedding anniversary, there was a dinner in the Secret Annex on 18 July 1942, just after the Van Pels family arrived. A typed menu of this has been preserved, and on the table were broth, roast beef, various salads and one 'pomme de terre' per person. Also gravy, 'to be used very minimally' because of the butter ration, riz à la Trautmannsdorf ('surrogate') and coffee with sugar and cream.[3] Bouillon and gravy powders were part of Gies & Co's core range. Given the prevailing scarcity and therefore very high prices, the coffee must also have been 'surrogate'. When Jan and Miep came to stay in October, soup, meatballs, potatoes, carrots and coffee with gingerbread and Maria biscuits were served, according to Anne.[19]
\r\n\r\nThrough the story Sausage Day and from the B-version, the episode situated by Anne in December 1942 is known in which Van Pels had managed to get hold of a large quantity of meat and made sausage from it.[20] Through food distribution, the people in hiding sometimes benefited from occasional windfalls, as in the provision of extra sweets, oil and syrup at Christmas.[21] On the other hand, they also noticed when a butter coupon was withheld as a sanction for the 1943 strikes. From the same note comes the list of foodstuffs apparently sent to Pfeffer by Charlotte Kaletta on his birthday in 1943: eggs, butter, biscuits, lemonade, bread, brandy, oranges, gingerbread and chocolate.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1943, the helpers managed to get 'pre-war' butter biscuits for the people in the Secret Annex, and on Edith's birthday a few weeks later, a 'pre-war' mocha cake.[23] On Otto Frank's 55th birthday there was beer, and through Siemons there were even fifty 'pre-war' petit fours.[24] In the case of the cake and pie, this meant that the relevant bakers must have been provided with necessary ingredients such as butter, sugar and eggs in advance via the helpers. As bakers were sparsely supplied with these, this was a common method of obtaining decent - 'pre-war' - pastries at the time.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn July 1944, Mrs Van Hoeve - her husband was imprisoned at that time for hiding the Jewish couple Weisz - delivered nine kilos of peas. The pods of these were also eaten. On the same day, Anne notes the delivery of a large batch of strawberries, taken by Broks directly from the Beverwijk auction.[26] Given the quantities, these must also have been non-regular transactions. Clandestine trade in strawberries was also closely monitored in Amsterdam around this time.[27]
\r\n\r\nFinally, there was Peter's cat Mouschi. After much deliberation and ambiguity, the government decided that food could only be available for economically useful cats, such as warehouse cats.[28] This meant that Mouschi's food, unlike that of warehouse cat Moffie, had to come through other channels, or he ate what the people in hiding ate.
\r\n\r\nThis overview shows that external factors played a greater role in the impoverishment of the food position in the Secret Annex than internal ones. The decline in variety and quantities kept pace with the disappearance of suppliers of coupons and foodstuffs. Financial concerns undoubtedly made themselves felt, yet repeatedly it appears that occasional opportunities to purchase extras remained for a long time. Lack of money therefore does not seem to have been a decisive factor in the decline of the food position.
\r\n\r\nHet voedselthema is nauw verwant aan de onderwerpen Distributie en Bevoorrading in het algemeen. Wat er gegeten werd, en hoeveel, hing daar tenslotte mede van af. Gebrek werd er in eerste instantie in het Achterhuis niet geleden. Via reguliere en clandestiene distributiekanalen was er voldoende voedsel voorhanden.
\r\n\r\nMet ingang van 8 augustus 1943 kwam er in een groot aantal plaatsen, waaronder Amsterdam, een ‘klantenbinding’ voor groente en fruit tot stand. Dit wil zeggen dat ieder huishouden zich per periode van vier weken aan een vaste groentehandelaar diende te verbinden. Deze verstrekte een ‘gezinskaart’ op naam en moest zorgen voor inname van bonnen en een redelijke verdeling van zijn aanbod, afhankelijk van het aantal gezinsleden.[1] Hoe de helpers deze complicatie in de praktijk oplosten is niet bekend.
\r\n\r\nGroente en aardappelen komen van groenteboer Van Hoeve op de Leliegracht; voor brood was een regeling getroffen met bakker Siemons.[2] Vlees kwam van een bij Hermann van Pels bekende slager in de omgeving, waarschijnlijk - op grond van het hieronder genoemd menukaartje met “Roastbeaf SCHOLTE” - het filiaal van Piet Scholte op de Elandsgracht.[3] Met het verstrijken van de tijd ontstonden moeilijkheden, die verschillende oorzaken hadden. Victor Kugler schreef jaren later in zijn herinneringen dat gaandeweg de problemen groeiden; vooral levensmiddelen werden schaars.[4] Versobering van de maaltijden en rantsoenen gaven herhaaldelijk aanleiding tot ruzies. Aan de hand van Annes notities en verschillende externe bronnen zijn diverse aspecten van het vraagstuk goed te beschrijven en ook te verklaren.
\r\n\r\nBij aanvang van de onderduikperiode was er een flinke voorraad levensmiddelen aangelegd, waaronder honderdvijftig conservenblikken met groente. Door de zakelijke contacten waren melkpoeder, tarwezetmeel en suiker steeds in ruime hoeveelheden voorhanden, waarmee volgens Kugler voedzame pudding kon worden gemaakt.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn de nazomer en de herfst van 1942 schrijft Anne dat zijzelf en Hermann van Pels flink aten.[6] Tegelijkertijd daalde het vetrantsoen in de tweede helft van 1942 gestaag.[7] Op 7 oktober van dat jaar is te lezen welke spanningen het wel of niet op brood smeren van boter in het Achterhuis tot gevolg had.[8] In die periode kwam het officiële boter/vetrantsoen neer op 62½ gram per persoon per week.[9] Anne meldt in november de levering van 135 kilo peulvruchten.[10] In maart 1943 schrijft ze dat haar moeder bewerkstelligde dat de kinderen extra boter kregen.[11] Het was echter de distributie die bepaalde dat de jeugd tussen 4 en 21 jaar een hoger vetrantsoen kregen.[12] Op dezelfde dag schrijft ze dat ze genoeg kreeg van de witte en bruine bonen, en dat de 'avond-broodverstrekking' was ingetrokken.[11] De overvloed aan bonen is te verklaren uit de eerder genoemde 135 kilo. Waarom de broodconsumptie, gezien de soepele regeling met Siemons, werd verminderd is onduidelijk.
\r\n\r\nHet werd vooral in de eerste maanden van 1944 zichtbaar dat externe factoren veel bepaalden. De arrestatie van bonnenleveranciers Brouwer en Daatzelaar in maart bracht de aanvoer van onder meer aardappelen en boter in gevaar.[13] Gebakken aardappelen als ontbijt werden dan ook vervangen door pap.[14] Het bleek mogelijk extra volle melk te kopen, wat op aandringen van mevrouw Van Pels ook gebeurde. Volle melk was officieel voorbehouden aan kinderen onder de veertien, dus die aanschaf was clandestien. De zwarte melkprijzen bedroegen begin 1944 zo’n 40 à 50 cent per liter in Amsterdam-Noord en tot 1,30 à 1,50 gulden per liter in Zuid.[15] De onderduikers konden dus voor extra melk betrekkelijk hoge kosten maken. Dit duidt erop dat tekorten in het Achterhuis meer waren te wijten aan schaarste en verdelingsproblemen dan aan geldgebrek.
\r\n\r\nAnne beklaagt zich op 8 mei 1944 over het feit dat ze steeds 'sla, stoofsla, spinazie, spinazie en nog eens spinazie' aten. In deze periode leidde gebrek aan meststoffen tot teeltbeperkingen. Vooral de zogenaamde 'massaproducten' waren toen ruim verkrijgbaar, een categorie waartoe ook de gewraakte bladgroenten behoorden.[16]
\r\n\r\nDe problemen groeiden wel na de arrestatie van groenteboer Van Hoeve eind mei 1944. Het toenemende tekort aan aardappelen en groente leidde tot het geleidelijk afschaffen van het ontbijt.[17] Compensatie door het vervroegen van de lunch kon niet verhullen dat de schaarste toenam.
\r\n\r\nEr was ruimte om af en toe iets extra’s te doen. In de eerste dagen kregen de Franks, toen nog alleen in het Achterhuis, van de helpers rabarber, aardbeien en kersen.[18] Ter gelegenheid van de huwelijksdag van Jan en Miep was er op 18 juli 1942, vlak na de aankomst van de familie Van Pels, een diner in het Achterhuis. Hiervan is een getypt menukaartje bewaard gebleven, en op tafel kwamen bouillon, roast beef, diverse salades en per persoon één ‘pomme de terre’. Verder jus, ‘zeer miniem te gebruiken’ vanwege het boterrantsoen, riz à la Trautmannsdorf (‘surrogaat’) en koffie met suiker en room.[3] Bouillon- en juspoeders behoorden tot het kernassortiment van Gies & Co. Gezien de heersende schaarste en daardoor erg hoge prijzen zal de koffie ook wel ‘surrogaat’ zijn geweest. Toen Jan en Miep in oktober kwamen logeren, stonden er volgens Anne soep, gehaktballetjes, aardappels, worteltjes en koffie met kruidkoek en Maria’s op tafel.[19]
\r\n\r\nDoor het verhaaltje Worstdag en uit de B-versie is de door Anne in december ‘42 gesitueerde episode bekend waarin Van Pels een grote hoeveelheid vlees had kunnen bemachtigen en daar worst van maakte.[20] Via de voedseldistributie profiteerden de onderduikers soms van incidentele meevallers, zoals bij de verstrekking van extra snoep, olie en stroop met Kerstmis.[21] Daar staat tegenover dat ze het ook merkten toen er, als sanctie voor de stakingen van 1943 een boterbon werd ingehouden. Uit dezelfde notitie komt de opsomming van levensmiddelen die Pfeffer bij zijn verjaardag in 1943 kennelijk van Charlotte Kaletta toegestuurd kreeg: eieren, boter, koekjes, limonade, brood, cognac, sinaasappelen, kruidkoek en chocolade.[22]
\r\n\r\nEind ’43 wisten de helpers aan ‘vooroorlogse’ boterkoekjes voor de onderduikers te komen, en bij Ediths verjaardag enkele weken later aan een dito mokkataart.[23] Bij Otto Franks 55e verjaardag was er bier en via Siemons waren er zelfs vijftig ‘vooroorlogse’ petit fours.[24] In het geval van de koek en taart betekende dit dat de betreffende bakkers via de helpers vooraf van benodigde ingrediënten als boter, suiker en eieren moeten zijn voorzien. Omdat bakkers hiermee karig werden bevoorraad, was dit destijds een gebruikelijke methode om aan behoorlijk - ‘vooroorlogs’ - gebak te komen.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn juli ’44 leverde mevrouw Van Hoeve – haar man zat toen gevangen vanwege het verbergen van het Joodse echtpaar Weisz – negen kilo doperwten. Hiervan werden ook de peulen gegeten. Op dezelfde dag noteert Anne de aanvoer van een grote partij aardbeien, door Broks rechtstreeks van de Beverwijkse veiling gehaald.[26] Gezien de hoeveelheden moet ook hier sprake zijn geweest van niet-reguliere transacties. Op clandestiene handel in aardbeien werd ook in Amsterdam rond deze tijd scherp toegezien.[27]
\r\n\r\nTen slotte was er nog Peters kat Mouschi. Na veel overleg en onduidelijkheid besloot de overheid dat alleen voor economisch nuttige katten, zoals pakhuiskatten, voedsel beschikbaar kon zijn.[28] Dat betekende dat Mouschi’s voer, in tegenstelling tot dat van pakhuiskat Moffie, langs andere kanalen moest komen, of dat hij at wat de onderduikers aten.
\r\n\r\nUit dit overzicht blijkt dat externe factoren een grotere rol spelen bij de verschraling van de voedselpositie in het Achterhuis dan interne. De afname van variatie en hoeveelheden hield gelijke tred met het wegvallen van leveranciers van bonnen en levensmiddelen. Financiële zorgen hebben zich ongetwijfeld doen gelden, maar herhaaldelijk blijkt toch dat incidentele mogelijkheden om extra’s aan te schaffen lang zijn blijven bestaan. Geldgebrek lijkt daarom geen doorslaggevende factor te zijn geweest in de achteruitgang van de voedselpositie.
\r\n\r\nThe theme of food is closely related to the topics of Rationing and Supply in general. After all, what was eaten, and how much, partly depended on these aspects. Food was not initially lacking in the Secret Annex. Sufficient food was available through regular and clandestine distribution channels.
\r\n\r\nFrom 8 August 1943, a 'customer loyalty' scheme for fruit and vegetables came into effect in many places, including Amsterdam. This meant that every household had to commit to a regular greengrocer for each four-week period. The latter issued a 'family card' by name and had to ensure collection of vouchers and reasonable distribution of his supply, depending on the number of family members.[1] How the helpers solved this complication in practice is not known.
\r\n\r\nVegetables and potatoes came from greengrocer Van Hoeve on Leliegracht; for bread, an arrangement was made with baker Siemons.[2] Meat came from a butcher in the area known to Hermann van Pels, probably - based on the menu mentioned below with 'Roastbeaf SCHOLTE' - Piet Scholte's branch on Elandsgracht.[3] As time passed, difficulties arose, which had several causes. Victor Kugler wrote years later in his recollections that gradually the problems grew; food in particular became scarce.[4] Austerity of meals and rations repeatedly gave rise to quarrels. Using Anne's notes and various external sources, various aspects of the issue can be well described and also explained.
\r\n\r\nAt the start of the hiding period, a substantial stock of food had been established, including one hundred and fifty tins of canned vegetables. Through business contacts, powdered milk, wheat starch and sugar were always available in ample quantities, with which, according to Kugler, nutritious puddings could be made.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn the late summer and autumn of 1942, Anne writes that she and Hermann van Pels ate heavily.[6] At the same time, fat rations steadily decreased in the second half of 1942.[7] On 7 October that year, we can read about the tensions caused by whether or not butter was spread on bread in the Secret Annex.[8] At the time, the official butter/fat ration amounted to 62½ grams per person per week.[9] Anne reports the delivery of 135 kilos of pulses in November.[10] In March 1943, she writes that her mother arranged for the children to receive extra butter.[11] However, it was the rationing system that determined that the youth between the ages of 4 and 21 received a higher fat ration.[12] On the same day, she writes that she got tired of white and brown beans, and that the 'evening bread ration' had been withdrawn.[11] The abundance of beans can be explained by the aforementioned 135 kilos. Given the lenient arrangement with Siemons, why bread consumption was reduced is unclear.
\r\n\r\nIt became especially apparent in the first months of 1944 that external factors had a major influence. The arrest of voucher suppliers Brouwer and Daatzelaar in March jeopardised the supply of potatoes and butter, among other things.[13] Fried potatoes for breakfast were therefore replaced by porridge.[14] It proved possible to buy extra whole milk, which was done at Mrs Van Pels' insistence. Whole milk was officially reserved for children under 14, so that purchase was clandestine. Black market milk prices in early 1944 were around 40 to 50 cents per litre in Amsterdam-Noord and up to 1.30 to 1.50 guilders per litre in Zuid.[15] So it's likely the people in hiding incurred relatively high costs for extra milk. This suggests that shortages in the Secret Annex were due more to scarcity and distribution problems than to lack of money.
\r\n\r\nAnne complained on 8 May 1944 that they were constantly eating 'lettuce, stewing lettuce, spinach, spinach and more spinach '. During this period, a shortage of fertilisers led to crop restrictions. Especially the so-called 'mass products' were widely available then, a category that included the controversial leafy vegetables.[16]
\r\n\r\nProblems did grow after the arrest of greengrocer Van Hoeve in late May 1944. The growing shortage of potatoes and vegetables led to the gradual abolition of breakfast.[17] Compensating by bringing lunch forward could not conceal the fact that scarcity had increased.
\r\n\r\nThere was room to do something extra now and then. In the early days, the Franks, at that time alone in the Secret Annex, received rhubarb, strawberries and cherries from the helpers.[18] To mark Jan and Miep's wedding anniversary, there was a dinner in the Secret Annex on 18 July 1942, just after the Van Pels family arrived. A typed menu of this has been preserved, and on the table were broth, roast beef, various salads and one 'pomme de terre' per person. Also gravy, 'to be used very minimally' because of the butter ration, riz à la Trautmannsdorf ('surrogate') and coffee with sugar and cream.[3] Bouillon and gravy powders were part of Gies & Co's core range. Given the prevailing scarcity and therefore very high prices, the coffee must also have been 'surrogate'. When Jan and Miep came to stay in October, soup, meatballs, potatoes, carrots and coffee with gingerbread and Maria biscuits were served, according to Anne.[19]
\r\n\r\nThrough the story Sausage Day and from the B-version, the episode situated by Anne in December 1942 is known in which Van Pels had managed to get hold of a large quantity of meat and made sausage from it.[20] Through food distribution, the people in hiding sometimes benefited from occasional windfalls, as in the provision of extra sweets, oil and syrup at Christmas.[21] On the other hand, they also noticed when a butter coupon was withheld as a sanction for the 1943 strikes. From the same note comes the list of foodstuffs apparently sent to Pfeffer by Charlotte Kaletta on his birthday in 1943: eggs, butter, biscuits, lemonade, bread, brandy, oranges, gingerbread and chocolate.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1943, the helpers managed to get 'pre-war' butter biscuits for the people in the Secret Annex, and on Edith's birthday a few weeks later, a 'pre-war' mocha cake.[23] On Otto Frank's 55th birthday there was beer, and through Siemons there were even fifty 'pre-war' petit fours.[24] In the case of the cake and pie, this meant that the relevant bakers must have been provided with necessary ingredients such as butter, sugar and eggs in advance via the helpers. As bakers were sparsely supplied with these, this was a common method of obtaining decent - 'pre-war' - pastries at the time.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn July 1944, Mrs Van Hoeve - her husband was imprisoned at that time for hiding the Jewish couple Weisz - delivered nine kilos of peas. The pods of these were also eaten. On the same day, Anne notes the delivery of a large batch of strawberries, taken by Broks directly from the Beverwijk auction.[26] Given the quantities, these must also have been non-regular transactions. Clandestine trade in strawberries was also closely monitored in Amsterdam around this time.[27]
\r\n\r\nFinally, there was Peter's cat Mouschi. After much deliberation and ambiguity, the government decided that food could only be available for economically useful cats, such as warehouse cats.[28] This meant that Mouschi's food, unlike that of warehouse cat Moffie, had to come through other channels, or he ate what the people in hiding ate.
\r\n\r\nThis overview shows that external factors played a greater role in the impoverishment of the food position in the Secret Annex than internal ones. The decline in variety and quantities kept pace with the disappearance of suppliers of coupons and foodstuffs. Financial concerns undoubtedly made themselves felt, yet repeatedly it appears that occasional opportunities to purchase extras remained for a long time. Lack of money therefore does not seem to have been a decisive factor in the decline of the food position.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diaries are virtually the only source regarding this subject. As a result, the focus is naturally on how Anne herself experienced it. It should be noted here that the B-version sometimes reflects reality as Anne retrospectively interpreted or even constructed it. Thus, she may thus have effectively placed later religious insights 'back in time'.
\r\n\r\nThe Frank family was not unanimously devout. Hanneli recounted years later how Margot and Edith regularly went to synagogue, while Otto and Anne stayed at home.[1] Otto Frank said in a 1977 interview that his family did not eat pork when their religious grandmother visited. According to her husband, Edith prayed in the Secret Annex every Friday, as did Fritz Pfeffer.[2] He remembered that when they were celebrating Jewish holidays or Pfeffer said the Friday evening prayers Anne did not show any special interest, but only stood silently by.[3] Otto and Anne's lukewarm attitude towards religion did not initially change much during the period in hiding.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, however, Anne looked back on the previous years. She came to know God, she wrote, in the second half of 1943. This change is visible in her diary entries. In her first diary, God is hardly mentioned, if at all. Anne read a little in her mother's prayer book for form's sake.[4] In the second diary, on the other hand, God appears regularly. For Anne, God was a source from which she drew courage, she wrote on 12 March 1944.[5] She trusted Him and writes several times that she would like to trust God even more than she did.[6] She hoped for a miracle from God regarding Hanneli's fate and also regarding Mr Voskuijl's state of health.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn December '43, the approach of Christmas led to some contemplation on Anne's part, which did not yet have very strong religious traits at this point.[8] A few days later, she did ask God to assist her and Hanneli, complaining that she was unable to trust him sufficiently.[9] Anne developed a form of spirituality with a somewhat Spinozan character. In March '44, she wrote that during 1943, after a period of "nameless sorrow", she came to know God.[10] Heaven, nature and God meant happiness and inner wealth in her experience, despite all the woes.[11] She also placed her grandmother, who died in early '42, next to her God, when she writes that these two sustained her.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn the summer of '44, Anne mentioned as an important function of religion "upholding your own sense of honor and obeying your own conscience". She considered herself "not orthodox."[13] Following the accidental disappearance of her pen in the stove, Anne writes: "my fountain pen was cremated, just as I would like to be some day!"[14]
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne's B version, her father wanted her to learn something about the New Testament, so he asked Johannes Kleiman to provide a children's Bible. Margot reportedly criticised her father for wanting to give Anne a Christian Bible for Hanukkah.[15]
\r\n\r\nAmong the Van Pels family, there was no evidence of any affinity with belief. The same applies to the brothers, sisters and parents of both spouses. Of course, this does not mean that there were no religious feelings in these families, but it does mean that there are no sources to prove this. However, the family does appear in the records of the Synagogengemeinde in Osnabrück, the city where they lived before coming to the Netherlands.[16]
\r\n\r\nPeter occasionally talked to Anne about spiritual matters. In the last weeks before the arrest, however, Anne wrote that he had no religion, and how he cursed and mocked Jesus.[13] In early '44, Peter believed he would be better off becoming a Christian after the war, but mainly for practical reasons.[17]
\r\n\r\nFrom Anne's descriptions, Fritz Pfeffer emerges as a religious man. In one of her stories, she describes how she had to witness Pfeffer praying on Sunday mornings.[18] According to Otto Frank, Pfeffer said his prayers every Friday.[19] Furthermore, Pfeffer had divorced his first wife,[20] and entered into a new relationship with Roman Catholic Charlotte Kaletta. These circumstances do not indicate a very strict adherence to Jewish religious precepts.
\r\n\r\nThere was no explicit enforcement of food laws during the hiding period. On the contrary: eel appeared on the table in the summer of 1942.[21] A few weeks later it was Yom Kippur, the most important holiday in the Jewish rite. Anne mentioned this day in passing, emphasising how peaceful and quiet it was.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn December '43, St Nicholas, Christmas and Hanukkah were somewhat intermingled, and seem to have provided a particular opportunity to bake extra spice cake.[23] Furthermore, Anne makes a few more mentions of religious holidays. These brought about a certain togetherness within the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler and Miep Gies both came from old Austria, a predominantly Catholic area. There are no signs of an emphatic religious life. When Kugler remarried after the death of his first wife, it was according to all the rules of Catholic faith. Kleiman's family came from a Reformed area, but his father had - as his daughter put it - "departed from the faith".[24] According to Miep, Jan Gies had never been religious, and never became so later. Bep Voskuijl's father was Reformed, her mother was Dutch Reformed. The children went to Christian schools. This is not reflected further in Anne's diaries.
\r\n\r\nAnne focused her religious reflections mainly on herself, and occasionally on the others in the Secret Annex. No philosophical issues were raised by the others.
\r\n\r\nVoor dit onderwerp zijn de dagboeken van Anne Frank vrijwel de enige bron. Daardoor ligt de focus uiteraard op de wijze waarop Anne dit zelf heeft ervaren. Hierbij is de kanttekening nodig dat de B-versie de werkelijkheid soms weergeeft zoals Anne die in retrospectief interpreteerde of zelfs construeerde. Zo kan ze dus latere godsdienstige inzichten in feite ‘terug in de tijd’ hebben geplaatst.
\r\n\r\nUnaniem vroom was het gezin Frank niet. Hanneli vertelde jaren later hoe Margot en Edith regelmatig naar de synagoge gingen, terwijl Otto en Anne thuisbleven.[1] Otto Frank vertelde in een interview uit 1977 dat zijn gezin geen varkensvlees at als de gelovige grootmoeder op bezoek kwam. Edith bad volgens haar man in het Achterhuis wel iedere vrijdag, evenals Fritz Pefffer.[2] Hij herinnerde zich dat Anne nooit bijzonder veel belangstelling toonde getoond als de Joodse feestdagen vierden of als Pfeffer het vrijdagavondgebed uitsprak en er maar een beetje stil bijstond.[3] Aan de lauwe houding van Otto en Anne ten opzichte van de religie veranderde tijdens de onderduik aanvankelijk niet zoveel.
\r\n\r\nAnne blikte in maart 1944 echter terug op de voorafgaande jaren. Ze leerde, zo schrijft ze, in de tweede helft van 1943 God kennen. Deze verandering is zichtbaar in haar dagboeknotities. In haar eerste dagboek komt God niet of nauwelijks ter sprake. Anne las voor de vorm wat in het gebedenboek van haar moeder.[4] In het tweede dagboek komt God daarentegen regelmatig voor. Voor Anne was God een bron waar ze moed uit putte, zo schrijft ze op 12 maart 1944.[5] Ze vertrouwde op Hem en schrijft meermalen dat ze God zelfs meer zou willen vertrouwen dan ze deed.[6] Ze hoopte op een wonder van God inzake het lot van Hanneli en ook wat betreft de gezondheidstoestand van meneer Voskuijl.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn december 1943 leidde de nadering van Kerstmis tot een zekere beschouwelijkheid bij Anne, die hier nog geen heel sterke godsdienstige trekken had.[8] Enkele dagen later vroeg ze God wel haar en Hanneli bij te staan, en klaagde dat ze niet in staat was hem voldoende te vertrouwen.[9] Anne ontwikkelde een vorm van spiritualiteit met een wat Spinoziaans karakter. In maart 1944 schrijft ze dat in de loop van 1943, na een periode van “nameloos verdriet”, God leerde kennen.[10] Hemel, natuur en God betekenden in haar beleving geluk en innerlijke rijkdom, ondanks alle narigheid.[11] Ook plaatste ze haar begin 1942 overleden oma naast haar God, als ze schrijft dat deze twee haar overeind houden.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn de zomer van 1944 noemt Anne als belangrijke functie van religie de 'hooghouding van eigen eer en geweten.' Zichzelf beschouwde ze als 'niet orthodox.'[13] Naar aanleiding van het per ongeluk in de kachel verdwijnen van haar pen schrijft Anne: 'm'n vulpen is gecremeerd, net wat ik later zo graag wil!'[14]
\r\n\r\nVolgens Annes B-versie wilde haar vader dat ze iets over het Nieuwe Testament leerde, en vroeg hij daarom Johannes Kleiman om voor een kinderbijbel te zorgen. Margot zou kritiek op haar vader hebben gehad, omdat hij Anne voor Chanoeka een christelijke bijbel wilde geven.[15]
\r\n\r\nBij de familie Van Pels is van enige affiniteit met het geloof niets gebleken. Voor de broers, zussen en ouders van beide echtelieden geldt hetzelfde. Uiteraard wil dit niet zeggen dat in deze families geen religieuze gevoelens leefden, maar wel dat er geen bronnen bekend zijn waar dit uit blijkt. Wel komt het gezin voor in de administratie van de Synagogengemeinde in Osnabrück, de stad waar zij voor de komst naar Nederland woonden.[16]
\r\n\r\nPeter sprak met Anne af en toe over spirituele zaken. In de laatste weken voor de arrestatie schrijft Anne echter dat hij geen godsdienst heeft, en hoe hij vloekte en spotte met Jezus.[13] Begin ’44 meende Peter dat hij na de oorlog beter 'Christ' kon worden, maar dan vooral uit praktische overwegingen.[17]
\r\n\r\nUit Annes beschrijvingen komt Fritz Pfeffer naar voren als een godsdienstig man. In een van haar verhaaltjes beschrijft ze hoe ze op zondagochtend getuige moest zijn van het bidden van Pfeffer.[18] Volgens Otto Frank zei Pfeffer elke vrijdag zijn gebeden.[19] Verder was Pfeffer van zijn eerste vrouw gescheiden,[20] en ging hij een nieuwe relatie aan met de Rooms-Katholieke Charlotte Kaletta. Deze omstandigheden wijzen niet op een erg strikte naleving van joodse religieuze voorschriften.
\r\n\r\nTijdens de onderduik was geen sprake van enige expliciete handhaving van spijswetten. Integendeel: in de zomer van 1942 kwam er paling op tafel.[21] Enkele weken later was het Jom Kipoer, de belangrijkste feestdag in de joodse ritus. Anne noemt deze dag terloops, en benadrukt hoe rustig en stil deze verliep.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn december 1943 liepen Sinterklaas, Kerstmis en Chanoeka wat door elkaar heen, en lijken vooral gelegenheid te hebben gegeven extra kruidkoek te bakken.[23] Verder maakt Anne nog enkele keren melding van religieuze feestdagen. Deze bewerkstelligden binnen het Achterhuis een zekere saamhorigheid.
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler en Miep Gies kwamen beide uit het oude Oostenrijk, een overwegend katholiek gebied. Er zijn geen tekenen die wijzen op een nadrukkelijk geloofsleven. Toen Kugler na het overlijden van zijn eerste vrouw hertrouwde, was dat volgens alle regelen van de katholieke kunst. Kleimans familie kwam uit een gereformeerde streek, maar zijn vader was – zoals zijn dochter het uitdrukte – 'van het geloof afgegaan.'[24] Jan Gies was volgens Miep nooit religieus geweest, en dat ook later niet geworden. De vader van Bep Voskuijl was van gereformeerde huize, haar moeder was Nederlands-Hervormd. De kinderen gingen naar christelijke scholen. In Annes dagboeken komt dat verder niet tot uitdrukking.
\r\n\r\nAnne richtte haar religieuze bespiegelingen voornamelijk op zichzelf, en een enkele keer op haar lotgenoten. Van de anderen komen geen levensbeschouwelijke kwesties aan de orde.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diaries are virtually the only source regarding this subject. As a result, the focus is naturally on how Anne herself experienced it. It should be noted here that the B-version sometimes reflects reality as Anne retrospectively interpreted or even constructed it. Thus, she may thus have effectively placed later religious insights 'back in time'.
\r\n\r\nThe Frank family was not unanimously devout. Hanneli recounted years later how Margot and Edith regularly went to synagogue, while Otto and Anne stayed at home.[1] Otto Frank said in a 1977 interview that his family did not eat pork when their religious grandmother visited. According to her husband, Edith prayed in the Secret Annex every Friday, as did Fritz Pfeffer.[2] He remembered that when they were celebrating Jewish holidays or Pfeffer said the Friday evening prayers Anne did not show any special interest, but only stood silently by.[3] Otto and Anne's lukewarm attitude towards religion did not initially change much during the period in hiding.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, however, Anne looked back on the previous years. She came to know God, she wrote, in the second half of 1943. This change is visible in her diary entries. In her first diary, God is hardly mentioned, if at all. Anne read a little in her mother's prayer book for form's sake.[4] In the second diary, on the other hand, God appears regularly. For Anne, God was a source from which she drew courage, she wrote on 12 March 1944.[5] She trusted Him and writes several times that she would like to trust God even more than she did.[6] She hoped for a miracle from God regarding Hanneli's fate and also regarding Mr Voskuijl's state of health.[7]
\r\n\r\nIn December '43, the approach of Christmas led to some contemplation on Anne's part, which did not yet have very strong religious traits at this point.[8] A few days later, she did ask God to assist her and Hanneli, complaining that she was unable to trust him sufficiently.[9] Anne developed a form of spirituality with a somewhat Spinozan character. In March '44, she wrote that during 1943, after a period of "nameless sorrow", she came to know God.[10] Heaven, nature and God meant happiness and inner wealth in her experience, despite all the woes.[11] She also placed her grandmother, who died in early '42, next to her God, when she writes that these two sustained her.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn the summer of '44, Anne mentioned as an important function of religion "upholding your own sense of honor and obeying your own conscience". She considered herself "not orthodox."[13] Following the accidental disappearance of her pen in the stove, Anne writes: "my fountain pen was cremated, just as I would like to be some day!"[14]
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne's B version, her father wanted her to learn something about the New Testament, so he asked Johannes Kleiman to provide a children's Bible. Margot reportedly criticised her father for wanting to give Anne a Christian Bible for Hanukkah.[15]
\r\n\r\nAmong the Van Pels family, there was no evidence of any affinity with belief. The same applies to the brothers, sisters and parents of both spouses. Of course, this does not mean that there were no religious feelings in these families, but it does mean that there are no sources to prove this. However, the family does appear in the records of the Synagogengemeinde in Osnabrück, the city where they lived before coming to the Netherlands.[16]
\r\n\r\nPeter occasionally talked to Anne about spiritual matters. In the last weeks before the arrest, however, Anne wrote that he had no religion, and how he cursed and mocked Jesus.[13] In early '44, Peter believed he would be better off becoming a Christian after the war, but mainly for practical reasons.[17]
\r\n\r\nFrom Anne's descriptions, Fritz Pfeffer emerges as a religious man. In one of her stories, she describes how she had to witness Pfeffer praying on Sunday mornings.[18] According to Otto Frank, Pfeffer said his prayers every Friday.[19] Furthermore, Pfeffer had divorced his first wife,[20] and entered into a new relationship with Roman Catholic Charlotte Kaletta. These circumstances do not indicate a very strict adherence to Jewish religious precepts.
\r\n\r\nThere was no explicit enforcement of food laws during the hiding period. On the contrary: eel appeared on the table in the summer of 1942.[21] A few weeks later it was Yom Kippur, the most important holiday in the Jewish rite. Anne mentioned this day in passing, emphasising how peaceful and quiet it was.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn December '43, St Nicholas, Christmas and Hanukkah were somewhat intermingled, and seem to have provided a particular opportunity to bake extra spice cake.[23] Furthermore, Anne makes a few more mentions of religious holidays. These brought about a certain togetherness within the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nVictor Kugler and Miep Gies both came from old Austria, a predominantly Catholic area. There are no signs of an emphatic religious life. When Kugler remarried after the death of his first wife, it was according to all the rules of Catholic faith. Kleiman's family came from a Reformed area, but his father had - as his daughter put it - "departed from the faith".[24] According to Miep, Jan Gies had never been religious, and never became so later. Bep Voskuijl's father was Reformed, her mother was Dutch Reformed. The children went to Christian schools. This is not reflected further in Anne's diaries.
\r\n\r\nAnne focused her religious reflections mainly on herself, and occasionally on the others in the Secret Annex. No philosophical issues were raised by the others.
\r\n\r\nEight people living together in a claustrophobic environment like the Secret Annex required well-organised housekeeping. There was little privacy, and things left lying around or dirty dishes could lead to unnecessary tension. The following is an overview of household chores as revealed in Anne Frank's diaries and stories. External sources are virtually absent for this. Points of interest are the division of labour between the Frank and Van Pels families - what was communal, what was private - and what changed over time, and why.
\r\n\r\nThe two families came to the Secret Annex a week apart. So, although preparations had been underway for some time, the first furnishing work was done by the Franks. Anne writes how she and her father set to work unpacking all sorts of things and improvising curtains immediately upon arrival.[1] Curtains were certainly important, as otherwise they wouldn't have been able to turn on lights at night because of the blackout requirement.
\r\n\r\nWhen the Van Pels family arrived a week later, some tasks were arranged between them. There are no explicit records of this, but it can be gathered from further notes. For instance, Mrs Van Pels was usually the one who cooked the food.[2] In the course of time, scarcity and one-sided supply of food occurred. However, there were always potatoes - peeling them was a recurring activity for all.[3]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels got involved in domestic chores as little as possible. He thought it was nonsense that 'the gentlemen' had various chores, and argued about it with Edith Frank.[4] However, he was also the one who, when sufficient meat was supplied, made sausages - to everyone's pleasure.[5] Otto Frank was not used to much practical work, and made merry with his youngest daughter that, as a 55-year-old, he had had to scrape out a frying pan for the first time in his life.[6] Little information emerges about Fritz Pfeffer's contribution to housekeeping duties. A narrative from February '44 indicates that he made beds on Sundays.[7] From some other notes, he also appears to have washed dishes.[8]
\r\n\r\nPeter's duties included lugging all sorts of things. He carried potatoes, beans and coal upstairs; he brought the rubbish downstairs.[9] Warehouse manager Voskuijl made sure this went with the company waste. After the latter had to leave work due to illness in early '43, the rubbish from the Secret Annex was burned in the stoves.[10] According to the 1943 St Nicholas poem, Peter was the one who took care of the cats.[11] Also the warehouse cats that actually belonged to the companies' 'machinery'.
\r\n\r\nOn 1 November 1942, the stove was lit for the first time since the people in hiding arrived.[12] It was customary to start heating from around that date. From late '43, the stove was lit on Sundays at 7:30 instead of 5:30.[13] In connection with the waste, the stove naturally had to be lit occasionally even outside the heating season. According to a B note with the date 18 May 1943, the stoves were therefore lit every other day, regardless of the warm weather. A narrative from February '44 shows that then on Sundays, the stoves were lit at 9:30 in the morning.[14] A few weeks later, several inedible potatoes ended up in the stove.[15] A couple of weeks after that, Otto Frank burned a bucket of wood waste that Mouschi had used because of a dirty litter box.[16] Of course, ash was left over from everything that was burnt, which then also had to go somewhere. Stoves played an important role in the household.
\r\n\r\nEdith Frank and Auguste van Pels did the laundry for their own families, with Edith occasionally getting help from her daughters.[14] The 'memory document' following the burglary stated that the 'laundry barrel' in the kitchen also contained laundry belonging to Bep and Miep.[17] The office kitchen on the first floor was important for laundry, as there was a water heater mounted there.[18] The attic was used for drying laundry.[14] In the spring of 1944, Anne's chores included, at least on weekdays: "Housework: quarter to 1-1 o'clock. This meant cleaning the sink."[19] According to Anne, Margot did the dishes twice a day for at least a year.[4]
\r\n\r\nWhile Mrs Van Pels mainly cooked, Edith Frank was the one who washed and cleaned. Anne writes about this: "everything is as clean as it can be in the tiled rooms."[20] Lack of cleaning materials made housework increasingly difficult.[21] There was a general lack of soap. This then led to a nationwide plague of fleas,[22] which was also apparent in the Secret Annex.[23]
\r\n\r\nThere was a vacuum cleaner in the Secret Annex. Who it belonged to and where it came from is not known, but Margot was already using it before the Van Pels family arrived.[24] Mrs Van Pels also used the appliance later.[25] In November '43, the vacuum cleaner was broken.[26] Nothing is known about a repair, which would mean that vacuuming was no longer possible from then on. In a story set in February '44, Otto Frank scrubs the rug with a brush.[14]
\r\n\r\nIn early July '44, in the last weeks in hiding, there were two major household chores. First, washing and macerating the large quantity of strawberries Johan Broks had brought in. In addition, nine kilos of fresh peas had to be shelled and the pods cleaned. Everyone cooperated in this.[27]
\r\n\r\nThere was a certain division of labour that seemed to remain unchanged over time. The various people in hiding performed their duties. External factors, such as Voskuijl's departure and the scarcity of available resources, did make running a regular household more difficult over time.
\r\n\r\nHet samenwonen van acht mensen in een benauwende omgeving als het Achterhuis vroeg om een goed georganiseerde huishouding. Er was weinig privacy, en rondslingerende spullen of vieze vaat kon tot onnodige spanning leiden. Hieronder volgt een overzicht van huishoudelijke klussen zoals die uit de dagboeken en de verhaaltjes van Anne Frank naar voren komen. Externe bronnen zijn hiervoor vrijwel afwezig. Aandachtspunten zijn de verdeling van werkzaamheden tussen de families Frank en Van Pels – wat was gemeenschappelijk, wat was privé - en wat er in de loop van de tijd veranderde, en waarom.
\r\n\r\nDe twee gezinnen kwamen een week na elkaar naar het Achterhuis. Hoewel de voorbereidingen al enige tijd gaande waren, werden de eerste inrichtingswerkzaamheden dus door de Franks verricht. Anne schrijft hoe zij en haar vader meteen na aankomst met uitpakken van allerlei en met het improviseren van gordijnen aan de slag gingen.[1] Gordijnen waren zeker belangrijk, daar ze anders ’s avonds geen licht aan konden doen vanwege de verduisteringsplicht.
\r\n\r\nToen de Van Pelsen een week later kwamen, werden enkele taken onderling geregeld. Hier zijn geen expliciete verslagen over, maar het valt uit de verdere notities op te maken. Zo was mevrouw Van Pels doorgaans degene die het eten kookte.[2] In de loop van de tijd kwamen schaarste en eenzijdig aanbod van levensmiddelen voor. Wel waren er altijd aardappelen - het schillen daarvan was voor allen een steeds terugkerende bezigheid.[3]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels bemoeide zich zo weinig mogelijk met het huishouden. Hij vond het onzin dat 'de heren' maar van alles moesten doen, en maakte daar ruzie over met Edith Frank.[4] Hij was echter ook degene die bij aanvoer van voldoende vlees tot vermaak van allen worst maakte.[5] Otto Frank was weinig praktisch werk gewend, en maakte er zich met zijn jongste dochter vrolijk over dat hij als 55-jarige voor het eerst in zijn leven een koekenpan moest uitkrabben.[6] Over de bijdrage van Fritz Pfeffer aan de huishouding komt weinig informatie naar voren. Een verhaaltje uit februari ’44 geeft aan dat hij op zondag bedden opmaakte.[7] Uit enkele andere notities blijkt hij ook wel te hebben afgewassen.[8]
\r\n\r\nTot Peters taken behoorde het sjouwen met van alles. Hij droeg aardappelen, bonen en kolen naar boven; het vuilnis bracht hij naar beneden.[9] Magazijnchef Voskuijl zorgde ervoor dat dit met het bedrijfsafval meeging. Nadat deze begin ’43 wegens ziekte zijn werk moest neerleggen, werd het Achterhuisvuilnis in de kachels verbrand.[10] Blijkens het Sinterklaasgedicht van 1943 was Peter degene die voor de katten zorgde.[11] Ook voor de pakhuiskatten die eigenlijk tot het ‘machinepark’ van de bedrijven behoorden.
\r\n\r\nOp 1 november 1942 ging voor het eerst sinds de komst van de onderduikers de kachel aan.[12] Het was gebruikelijk om rond die datum te gaan stoken. Vanaf eind ’43 ging de kachel op zondag om half acht aan in plaats van om half zes.[13] In verband met het afval moest de kachel natuurlijk ook na het stookseizoen af en toe aan. Volgens een B-notitie met de datum 18 mei 1943 brandden de kachels daarom ondanks het warme weer om de dag. Een verhaaltje uit februari ’44 laat zien dat dan op zondag de kachels om half tien ’s morgens aangingen.[14] Enkele weken later eindigden diverse oneetbare aardappelen in de kachel.[15] Otto Frank verbrandde enkele weken later een emmer met houtafval waar Mouschi vanwege een vuile kattenbak gebruik van had gemaakt.[16] Van alles wat werd verbrand bleef uiteraard as over, die vervolgens ook weer ergens naartoe moest. De kachels speelden een belangrijke rol in het huishouden.
\r\n\r\nEdith Frank en Auguste van Pels deden de was voor hun eigen gezinnen, waarbij Edith nog wel eens hulp kreeg van haar dochters.[14] In het ‘memoriedocument’ naar aanleiding van de inbraak staat dat in het 'wasvat' in de keuken ook wasgoed van Bep en Miep lag.[17] Belangrijk voor de was was de kantoorkeuken op de eerste verdieping, omdat daar een geiser hing.[18] Voor het drogen van de was diende de zolder.[14] Tot de karweitjes van Anne behoorde in het voorjaar van 1944, althans op werkdagen: 'Huishoudelijk werk: kwart voor 1-1 uur. Daarmee is de wastafel schoonmaken bedoeld.'[19] Volgens Anne deed Margot zeker een jaar lang twee maal daags de afwas.[4]
\r\n\r\nTerwijl mevrouw Van Pels vooral kookte, was Edith Frank degene die afwaste en poetste. Anne schrijft daarover: 'alles is zo schoon, als het in de betengelde kamers maar wezen kan.'[20] Gebrek aan schoonmaakmiddelen maakte het huishouden steeds lastiger.[21] Er ontstond een algemeen gebrek aan zeep. Dit leidde vervolgens tot de landelijke vlooienplaag,[22] die ook in het Achterhuis merkbaar is.[23]
\r\n\r\nEr was een stofzuiger in het Achterhuis. Van wie die was en waar die vandaan kwam is niet bekend, maar Margot maakte er al gebruik van vóór de komst van de familie Van Pels.[24]Ook mevrouw Van Pels gebruikte het apparaat later.[25] In november ’43 was de stofzuiger stuk.[26] Er is niets bekend over een reparatie, wat zou betekenen dat vanaf toen stofzuigen niet meer mogelijk was. In een verhaaltje dat in februari ’44 is gesitueerd schuiert Otto Frank met een borstel het vloerkleed.[14]
\r\n\r\nBegin juli ’44, in de laatste weken van de onderduik, waren er twee grote huishoudelijke klussen. Ten eerste het wassen en wecken van de grote hoeveelheid aardbeien die Johan Broks aanvoerde. Daarnaast moesten negen kilo verse erwten worden gedopt en de peulen schoongemaakt. Hieraan werkte iedereen mee.[27]
\r\n\r\nEr was een zekere verdeling van werkzaamheden die door de tijd ongewijzigd leek te blijven. De verschillende onderduikers verrichtten hun taken. Door externe factoren, zoals het vertrek van Voskuijl en de verschraling van de beschikbare middelen, werd het voeren van een geregelde huishouding in de loop van de tijd wel moeilijker.
\r\n\r\nEight people living together in a claustrophobic environment like the Secret Annex required well-organised housekeeping. There was little privacy, and things left lying around or dirty dishes could lead to unnecessary tension. The following is an overview of household chores as revealed in Anne Frank's diaries and stories. External sources are virtually absent for this. Points of interest are the division of labour between the Frank and Van Pels families - what was communal, what was private - and what changed over time, and why.
\r\n\r\nThe two families came to the Secret Annex a week apart. So, although preparations had been underway for some time, the first furnishing work was done by the Franks. Anne writes how she and her father set to work unpacking all sorts of things and improvising curtains immediately upon arrival.[1] Curtains were certainly important, as otherwise they wouldn't have been able to turn on lights at night because of the blackout requirement.
\r\n\r\nWhen the Van Pels family arrived a week later, some tasks were arranged between them. There are no explicit records of this, but it can be gathered from further notes. For instance, Mrs Van Pels was usually the one who cooked the food.[2] In the course of time, scarcity and one-sided supply of food occurred. However, there were always potatoes - peeling them was a recurring activity for all.[3]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels got involved in domestic chores as little as possible. He thought it was nonsense that 'the gentlemen' had various chores, and argued about it with Edith Frank.[4] However, he was also the one who, when sufficient meat was supplied, made sausages - to everyone's pleasure.[5] Otto Frank was not used to much practical work, and made merry with his youngest daughter that, as a 55-year-old, he had had to scrape out a frying pan for the first time in his life.[6] Little information emerges about Fritz Pfeffer's contribution to housekeeping duties. A narrative from February '44 indicates that he made beds on Sundays.[7] From some other notes, he also appears to have washed dishes.[8]
\r\n\r\nPeter's duties included lugging all sorts of things. He carried potatoes, beans and coal upstairs; he brought the rubbish downstairs.[9] Warehouse manager Voskuijl made sure this went with the company waste. After the latter had to leave work due to illness in early '43, the rubbish from the Secret Annex was burned in the stoves.[10] According to the 1943 St Nicholas poem, Peter was the one who took care of the cats.[11] Also the warehouse cats that actually belonged to the companies' 'machinery'.
\r\n\r\nOn 1 November 1942, the stove was lit for the first time since the people in hiding arrived.[12] It was customary to start heating from around that date. From late '43, the stove was lit on Sundays at 7:30 instead of 5:30.[13] In connection with the waste, the stove naturally had to be lit occasionally even outside the heating season. According to a B note with the date 18 May 1943, the stoves were therefore lit every other day, regardless of the warm weather. A narrative from February '44 shows that then on Sundays, the stoves were lit at 9:30 in the morning.[14] A few weeks later, several inedible potatoes ended up in the stove.[15] A couple of weeks after that, Otto Frank burned a bucket of wood waste that Mouschi had used because of a dirty litter box.[16] Of course, ash was left over from everything that was burnt, which then also had to go somewhere. Stoves played an important role in the household.
\r\n\r\nEdith Frank and Auguste van Pels did the laundry for their own families, with Edith occasionally getting help from her daughters.[14] The 'memory document' following the burglary stated that the 'laundry barrel' in the kitchen also contained laundry belonging to Bep and Miep.[17] The office kitchen on the first floor was important for laundry, as there was a water heater mounted there.[18] The attic was used for drying laundry.[14] In the spring of 1944, Anne's chores included, at least on weekdays: "Housework: quarter to 1-1 o'clock. This meant cleaning the sink."[19] According to Anne, Margot did the dishes twice a day for at least a year.[4]
\r\n\r\nWhile Mrs Van Pels mainly cooked, Edith Frank was the one who washed and cleaned. Anne writes about this: "everything is as clean as it can be in the tiled rooms."[20] Lack of cleaning materials made housework increasingly difficult.[21] There was a general lack of soap. This then led to a nationwide plague of fleas,[22] which was also apparent in the Secret Annex.[23]
\r\n\r\nThere was a vacuum cleaner in the Secret Annex. Who it belonged to and where it came from is not known, but Margot was already using it before the Van Pels family arrived.[24] Mrs Van Pels also used the appliance later.[25] In November '43, the vacuum cleaner was broken.[26] Nothing is known about a repair, which would mean that vacuuming was no longer possible from then on. In a story set in February '44, Otto Frank scrubs the rug with a brush.[14]
\r\n\r\nIn early July '44, in the last weeks in hiding, there were two major household chores. First, washing and macerating the large quantity of strawberries Johan Broks had brought in. In addition, nine kilos of fresh peas had to be shelled and the pods cleaned. Everyone cooperated in this.[27]
\r\n\r\nThere was a certain division of labour that seemed to remain unchanged over time. The various people in hiding performed their duties. External factors, such as Voskuijl's departure and the scarcity of available resources, did make running a regular household more difficult over time.
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank vroeg in 1971 de Yad Vashem onderscheiding “Rechtvaardige onder de Volken” aan voor zijn vier kantoormedewerkers en ook voor Jan Gies. Otto beschreef in zijn voordracht de rol van Jan als helper bij het verkrijgen van distributiebonnen en het verkopen van kostbaarheden, als het geld op dreigde te raken.[1]
\r\n\r\nZelf verklaarde Jan dat hij distributiebonnen kocht op “de zwarte markt”.[2] In ieder geval kwamen er bonnen het Achterhuis binnen via de Gies & Co.-vertegenwoordigers Martin Brouwer en Pieter Daatzelaar.[3] Een directe rol van Jan Gies daarbij is niet bekend, maar ligt wel voor de hand. Hij was namelijk commissaris bij de firma Gies & Co en had onbeperkte toegang tot de bedrijfsgebouwen.[4]
\r\n\r\nTussen de middag kwam Jan regelmatig in het Achterhuis langs.[5] Dan besprak hij met de onderduikers het nieuws en het verloop van de oorlog.[6] Jan leende ook boeken voor hen bij leesbibliotheek COMO aan de Rijnstraat, waar hij bevriend was met de eigenaar Jacob Licht.[7] Naar eigen zeggen voorzag hij de onderduikers ook van sigaretten.[8]
\r\n\r\nEerder hielp Jan samen met zijn vrouw Miep de familie Frank ook bij de voorbereiding van de onderduik. Ze kwamen in de avond van 5 juli 1942 naar de woning op het Merwedeplein om spullen op te halen, die zij later naar het Achterhuis zouden brengen.[9]
\r\n\r\nVolgens Annes dagboek ging Jan na de inbraak van 9 april 1944 naar het politiebureau en naar de nachtwaker Slegers om het gebeurde te bespreken en zo de onderduikers af te schermen van ontdekking.[10] Daar was op zich niets vreemds aan, gezien het al genoemde commissariaat bij Gies & Co.
\r\n\r\nVia een advertentie kwamen Jan en Miep aan een kamer op de Hunzestraat nummer 25 bij mevr. Stoppelman-Van der Reis.[11] Mevrouw Stoppelman had veel contacten in en om Hilversum, en toen zij moest gaan onderduiken vond zij daardoor een plek bij mevrouw Van der Horst. Jan en Miep bleven in de woning van mevrouw Stoppelman in de Hunzestraat wonen. Volgens Anne bezochten Jan en Miep mevrouw Stoppelman op haar onderduikadres bij mevrouw Van der Horst.[12] Zij namen in de lente van 1943 haar zoon Kuno van der Horst in huis. Het verhaal wil dat Kuno (in Mieps door een ghost writer geschreven autobiografie ‘Karel’ geheten) als student weigerde de loyaliteitsverklaring te tekenen.[13] Hoe lang Kuno precies ondergedoken zat bij Jan en Miep is onduidelijk.[14]
\r\n\r\nDaarnaast bracht Jan mevrouw Stoppelmans jonge kleinkinderen, die ternauwernood aan een razzia ontkwamen, in veiligheid. Alfred Cohen, een van de kinderen, overleefde de oorlog, maar zijn zus Lida Cohen stierf tijdens de onderduik aan een ziekte.[15]
\r\n\r\nAan Jans onderduikhulp kwam een einde, toen op 4 augustus 1944 de Achterhuisbewoners werden gearresteerd. Betrokkenheid bij andere illegale activiteiten had hij al eerder gestopt.[16]
\r\n\r\nOp 3 maart 1972 kreeg Jan op voordracht van Otto Frank van Yad Vashem de onderscheiding “Rechtvaardige onder de Volken".[17]
\r\n\r\nOtto Frank vroeg in 1971 de Yad Vashem onderscheiding “Rechtvaardige onder de Volken” aan voor zijn vier kantoormedewerkers en ook voor Jan Gies. Otto beschreef in zijn voordracht de rol van Jan als helper bij het verkrijgen van distributiebonnen en het verkopen van kostbaarheden, als het geld op dreigde te raken.[1]
\r\n\r\nZelf verklaarde Jan dat hij distributiebonnen kocht op “de zwarte markt”.[2] In ieder geval kwamen er bonnen het Achterhuis binnen via de Gies & Co.-vertegenwoordigers Martin Brouwer en Pieter Daatzelaar.[3] Een directe rol van Jan Gies daarbij is niet bekend, maar ligt wel voor de hand. Hij was namelijk commissaris bij de firma Gies & Co en had onbeperkte toegang tot de bedrijfsgebouwen.[4]
\r\n\r\nTussen de middag kwam Jan regelmatig in het Achterhuis langs.[5] Dan besprak hij met de onderduikers het nieuws en het verloop van de oorlog.[6] Jan leende ook boeken voor hen bij leesbibliotheek COMO aan de Rijnstraat, waar hij bevriend was met de eigenaar Jacob Licht.[7] Naar eigen zeggen voorzag hij de onderduikers ook van sigaretten.[8]
\r\n\r\nEerder hielp Jan samen met zijn vrouw Miep de familie Frank ook bij de voorbereiding van de onderduik. Ze kwamen in de avond van 5 juli 1942 naar de woning op het Merwedeplein om spullen op te halen, die zij later naar het Achterhuis zouden brengen.[9]
\r\n\r\nVolgens Annes dagboek ging Jan na de inbraak van 9 april 1944 naar het politiebureau en naar de nachtwaker Slegers om het gebeurde te bespreken en zo de onderduikers af te schermen van ontdekking.[10] Daar was op zich niets vreemds aan, gezien het al genoemde commissariaat bij Gies & Co.
\r\n\r\nVia een advertentie kwamen Jan en Miep aan een kamer op de Hunzestraat nummer 25 bij mevr. Stoppelman-Van der Reis.[11] Mevrouw Stoppelman had veel contacten in en om Hilversum, en toen zij moest gaan onderduiken vond zij daardoor een plek bij mevrouw Van der Horst. Jan en Miep bleven in de woning van mevrouw Stoppelman in de Hunzestraat wonen. Volgens Anne bezochten Jan en Miep mevrouw Stoppelman op haar onderduikadres bij mevrouw Van der Horst.[12] Zij namen in de lente van 1943 haar zoon Kuno van der Horst in huis. Het verhaal wil dat Kuno (in Mieps door een ghost writer geschreven autobiografie ‘Karel’ geheten) als student weigerde de loyaliteitsverklaring te tekenen.[13] Hoe lang Kuno precies ondergedoken zat bij Jan en Miep is onduidelijk.[14]
\r\n\r\nDaarnaast bracht Jan mevrouw Stoppelmans jonge kleinkinderen, die ternauwernood aan een razzia ontkwamen, in veiligheid. Alfred Cohen, een van de kinderen, overleefde de oorlog, maar zijn zus Lida Cohen stierf tijdens de onderduik aan een ziekte.[15]
\r\n\r\nAan Jans onderduikhulp kwam een einde, toen op 4 augustus 1944 de Achterhuisbewoners werden gearresteerd. Betrokkenheid bij andere illegale activiteiten had hij al eerder gestopt.[16]
\r\n\r\nOp 3 maart 1972 kreeg Jan op voordracht van Otto Frank van Yad Vashem de onderscheiding “Rechtvaardige onder de Volken".[17]
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex were engaged in a variety of activities. These could be related to housekeeping, furnishing the Secret Annex or supporting the businesses in the building. Apart from keeping themselves busy, the work was also of economic importance to the businesses: the people in hiding had no other income, and it helped the businesses work more efficiently. This work was divided between helping with administration on the one hand and manual work on the other. The survival of the businesses was important for income, but also for the continuity of the hiding place....
\r\n\r\nPractical work was mainly carried out by Hermann and Peter van Pels. When only the Frank family remained in the Secret Annex, Margot caused a short circuit with the vacuum cleaner. As a result, they were without electricity until the next day.[1] Otto Frank apparently did not know where the fuse box was or how to change a fuse. When there was another short circuit after the Van Pels family arrived, this time in a desk lamp, 'the gentlemen' did go to the warehouse and the lights came back on immediately.[2]
\r\n\r\nIt was also Van Pels who built a pantry in the attic. Peter built all kinds of things in the attic. For the bed in his room, Kleiman provided a spring, which Peter then used to make the bed base.[3]
\r\n\r\nPeter and Anne also did simpler chores, such as decorating their rooms and pasting up pictures.[4] Mrs Van Pels was mainly the one who cooked and baked.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was a doctor and dentist. In the Secret Annex, he treated the teeth of the others there.[5] When Anne had flu, she was also examined by Pfeffer.[6] She also describes Pfeffer as "the eternal worker".[7]
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne wrote repeatedly about office work and 'work downstairs'. She made debtor lists with her father and sorted out a messed up card index with Margot. They also had to keep a sales book, which Anne said her father would do.[8] Bep gave Anne and Margot a lot of office work.[9]
\r\n\r\nIn early '43, there was a note about packing powdered cooking gravy for Gies & Co. Anne became giddy and laughed at the dull chore.[10] Otto Frank and Hermann van Pels had been forced out of the companies, but they were still involved in them. They were angered by Victor Kugler, whose experiments were jeopardising relations with the Westermann and Heijbroek firms.[11] When Pomosin executives came from Frankfurt to discuss supplies, Otto Frank overheard the conversation.[12] In his 1971 address to Yad Vashem, he stated that Kugler deliberately withheld part of the turnover from the books in order to finance the people in hiding.[13] It is an obvious conclusion that people in hiding and businesses helped each other reciprocally.
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers in het Achterhuis hielden zich met allerlei werkzaamheden bezig. Die konden te maken hebben met het huishouden, de inrichting van het Achterhuis of met ondersteuning van de bedrijven in het pand. Buiten dat ze zichzelf bezig wilden houden, was het werk voor de bedrijven ook van economisch belang: andere inkomsten hadden de onderduikers niet, en de bedrijven konden efficiënter werken. Dit werk viel weer uiteen in enerzijds helpen met de administratie en anderzijds met handwerk. Het voortbestaan van de bedrijven was van belang voor inkomsten, maar ook voor de continuïteit van de onderduikplek..
\r\n\r\nPraktische werkzaamheden kwamen over het algemeen vooral op Hermann en Peter van Pels neer. Toen alleen nog de familie Frank in het Achterhuis verbleef, veroorzaakte Margot kortsluiting met de stofzuiger. Gevolg was dat ze tot de volgende dag zonder licht zaten.[1] Otto Frank wist kennelijk niet waar de stoppenkast zat of hoe hij een zekering moest vervangen. Toen er na de komst van de familie Van Pels weer kortsluiting was, dit keer in een bureaulamp, gingen ‘de heren’ wel naar het magazijn en ging direct het licht weer aan.[2]
\r\n\r\nHet was ook Van Pels die een provisiekast op zolder in orde maakte. Peter timmerde van alles op de vliering. Voor de divan op zijn kamer verzorgde Kleiman een springveer, die Peter er vervolgens zelf inmaakte.[3]
\r\n\r\nPeter en Anne deden ook simpelere karweitjes, zoals inrichten van hun kamers en het opplakken van plaatjes.[4] Mevrouw Van Pels was vooral degene die kookte en bakte.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was arts en tandarts. In het Achterhuis behandelde hij de gebitten van zijn mede-onderduikers.[5] Toen Anne griep had, werd ze ook door Pfeffer onderzocht.[6] Ze omschrijft Pfeffer ook wel als ‘de eeuwig werkende’.[7]
\r\n\r\nVooral in de beginperiode schreef Anne herhaaldelijk over kantoorwerk en ‘werk beneden’. Ze maakte met haar vader debiteurslijsten en sorteerde met Margot een in de war geraakte kaartenbak. Ook moest er een ‘verkoopsboek’ worden bijgehouden, wat volgens Anne haar vader zou gaan doen.[8] Bep gaf Anne en Margot veel kantoorwerk.[9]
\r\n\r\nBegin ’43 was er een bericht over het inpakken van braadjus in poedervorm voor Gies & Co. Anne werd draaierig en lacherig van het saaie karweitje.[10] Otto Frank en Hermann van Pels waren noodgedwongen uit de bedrijven teruggetreden, maar ze bemoeiden zich nog met de gang van zaken. Ze maakten zich boos om Victor Kugler die met zijn experimenten de relatie met de firma’s Westermann en Heijbroek op het spel zette.[11] Toen er directieleden van Pomosin uit Frankfurt kwamen om over leveringen te spreken, luisterde Otto Frank het gesprek af.[12] In 1971 verklaarde hij in zijn adres aan Yad Vashem dat Kugler weloverwogen een deel van de omzet niet in de boeken opnam om zo het onderduiken te bekostigen.[13] Het ligt voor de hand te concluderen dat onderduikers en bedrijven elkaar over en weer hielpen.
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex were engaged in a variety of activities. These could be related to housekeeping, furnishing the Secret Annex or supporting the businesses in the building. Apart from keeping themselves busy, the work was also of economic importance to the businesses: the people in hiding had no other income, and it helped the businesses work more efficiently. This work was divided between helping with administration on the one hand and manual work on the other. The survival of the businesses was important for income, but also for the continuity of the hiding place....
\r\n\r\nPractical work was mainly carried out by Hermann and Peter van Pels. When only the Frank family remained in the Secret Annex, Margot caused a short circuit with the vacuum cleaner. As a result, they were without electricity until the next day.[1] Otto Frank apparently did not know where the fuse box was or how to change a fuse. When there was another short circuit after the Van Pels family arrived, this time in a desk lamp, 'the gentlemen' did go to the warehouse and the lights came back on immediately.[2]
\r\n\r\nIt was also Van Pels who built a pantry in the attic. Peter built all kinds of things in the attic. For the bed in his room, Kleiman provided a spring, which Peter then used to make the bed base.[3]
\r\n\r\nPeter and Anne also did simpler chores, such as decorating their rooms and pasting up pictures.[4] Mrs Van Pels was mainly the one who cooked and baked.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was a doctor and dentist. In the Secret Annex, he treated the teeth of the others there.[5] When Anne had flu, she was also examined by Pfeffer.[6] She also describes Pfeffer as "the eternal worker".[7]
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne wrote repeatedly about office work and 'work downstairs'. She made debtor lists with her father and sorted out a messed up card index with Margot. They also had to keep a sales book, which Anne said her father would do.[8] Bep gave Anne and Margot a lot of office work.[9]
\r\n\r\nIn early '43, there was a note about packing powdered cooking gravy for Gies & Co. Anne became giddy and laughed at the dull chore.[10] Otto Frank and Hermann van Pels had been forced out of the companies, but they were still involved in them. They were angered by Victor Kugler, whose experiments were jeopardising relations with the Westermann and Heijbroek firms.[11] When Pomosin executives came from Frankfurt to discuss supplies, Otto Frank overheard the conversation.[12] In his 1971 address to Yad Vashem, he stated that Kugler deliberately withheld part of the turnover from the books in order to finance the people in hiding.[13] It is an obvious conclusion that people in hiding and businesses helped each other reciprocally.
\r\n\r\nTextile goods, like almost all foodstuffs, were not freely available during the war years. Textiles were distributed through a points system, which gave the consumer some choice in different qualities and price ranges. Shoes were available from June 1940 only with coupons issued individually.[1] To get around this, the industry tried to develop products with as little leather and rubber as possible. For the course of events in the Secret Annex, Anne's diary is virtually the only source in this area, and differences between the A and B versions can lead to confusion. However, it is sometimes possible to find confirmation with more general data. The available information concerns almost exclusively the Frank family.
\r\n\r\nA lot of clothing had been removed from the Franks' home for some time prior to going into hiding. Some had been stored in a room at the home of Opekta representative Broks.[2] After Margot's call up for labour on 5 July 1942, Jan and Miep Gies took as many things as possible.[3] Then, when the Franks - or Anne, at any rate - left for the Secret Annex, they took as many clothes as possible by putting them on over each other. Miep later went back to the house on Merwedeplein to try to get hold of some clothes left behind by Werner Goldschmidt - the Frank family's stay-behind boarder.[4] Nothing is known about the success of her attempt. In September '42, Anne writes that she wrapped Mrs Dreher's fur around her father's head. Before going into hiding, Otto Frank had a lot of contact with the Drehers, who sold anything of any value.[5]
\r\n\r\nClothes became scarce and expensive.[6] This was a problem, as the children (at least Anne and Margot) grew out of their clothes. This is evident from the 'growth marks' in the Frank family's room, but also from Anne's diary. Her nightgown became much too short.[7] Margot, according to her sister, wore a 'bra that is two sizes too small.'[8] According to the B version, the possibility of Anne seeing an ophthalmologist under supervision was discussed in the summer of 1943, in which context it turned out that she had grown out of her coat by that time.[9]
\r\n\r\nShortages also arose from wear and tear. Anne describes how her father walked around with frayed trousers and a worn-out tie, and that her mother's corset was so old it gave out.[8]
\r\n\r\nBep provided a box of clothes with the help of her sister Corry.[10] Corry Voskuijl was a dressmaker. She was listed as a 'workshop seamstress'.[11] According to the B version, Bep bought skirts for Anne and Margot from De Bijenkorf around the same time. These were expensive and of poor quality.[12] In the A version, De Bijenkorf does not appear; the B version is silent on Corry's contribution. When it got chilly in September, Anne realised she was running out of warm clothes. She then set about knitting a 'white wool sweater', a zip-up jumper that she worked on until mid-November.[13] With some inventiveness, Anne made a 'dance dress' out of an old petticoat belonging to her mother in January '44.[14]
\r\n\r\nInformation is very scarce about the clothing of the others. Pfeffer had a red jacket[15] and Mrs van Pels a pink 'bed jacket'.[7] When Herman van Pels wanted to sell his suit to get some money, he did not succeed - then Mrs van Pels' coat of rabbit fur had to go.[16]
\r\n\r\nJacqueline van Maarsen writes in her memoirs that on 6 July 1942 she went to the house on Merwedeplein, where she saw Anne's new shoes. She was surprised that Anne had left them behind.[17] In her B version, Anne writes about the evening before the hasty departure for the Secret Annex that Jan and Miep Gies came by and took shoes, among other things. Where they took them is not known, but it turns out later that some of the Franks' shoes had been left with the Amende family. They wanted these to be brought to the Secret Annex when fears of evacuation of the entire city arose,[18] but it didn't come to that.
\r\n\r\nIn March '43, Anne only fitted her ski boots; she received a pair of wicker shoes that cost six guilders fifty and broke after only a week.[19] The B version also mentions that Miep brought a pair of suede shoes for her in the summer of '43.[20] Given the restrictions on the shoe trade, these had to have been either a clandestine purchase or an old pair.
\r\n\r\nPeter had trainers.[21] So did Anne, and she tried in vain to turn them into ballet shoes.[22] Of Pfeffer, Anne writes that he had black patent slippers.[15]
\r\n\r\nAll kinds of goods had been brought to Prinsengracht by parcel post over a period of months. Upon arrival, boxes and bedding were piled high.[23] The B version suggests that the daily bedding had been left at Merwedeplein.[24] Otto and Edith Frank slept not on a mattress, but on two piled-up long pillows[25] When Jan and Miep came to sleep, they brought two blankets themselves; the people in hiding also had two left over. Moreover, in the front attic there was another blanket and a 'plumeau' - a half-length bedspread - in the suitcase of an otherwise unknown 'Mr Fuchs'.[26] Pfeffer was sent some things by Charlotte Kaletta, but it can be assumed that he slept on a mattress and under blankets that were already present in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels took out her pillowcases and sheets, wanting (according to Anne) to wear out Edith's first, and keep her own things good for after the war. Edith's towels were also all already in use.[27]
\r\n\r\nFor the people in hiding and the helpers, caring for clothing and footwear was a cause of ongoing concern. Quality footwear in particular was hard to come by. Despite a lack of sources, it is clear that they suffered increasingly from wear and tear, despite there being a certain amount of supply. However, this supply was very much dependent on what was available, and this was very limited. Compared to the food supply, less is known about textile and footwear issues, and they are therefore a more intractable topic.
\r\n\r\nTextielgoederen waren, net als vrijwel alle levensmiddelen, in de oorlogsjaren bijna niet vrij verkrijgbaar. De verdeling van textiel verliep via een puntensysteem, waarmee de verbruiker enige keus had in verschillende kwaliteiten en prijsklassen. Schoenen waren vanaf juni 1940 alleen met individueel te verstrekken bonnen verkrijgbaar.[1] Om dit te omzeilen, probeerde de industrie producten te ontwikkelen met zo weinig mogelijk leer en rubber. Voor de gang van zaken in het Achterhuis is Annes dagboek op dit terrein vrijwel de enige bron, waarbij het onderscheid tussen A- en B-versie tot verwarring kan leiden. Het is soms echter ook mogelijk aan te sluiten bij algemenere gegevens. De beschikbare informatie betreft vrijwel uitsluitend de familie Frank.
\r\n\r\nEr was bij de Franks voorafgaand aan de onderduik al langere tijd veel kleding de deur uitgedaan. Een gedeelte was opgeslagen in een kamer bij Opekta-vertegenwoordiger Broks.[2] Na Margots oproep op 5 juli 1942 namen Jan en Miep Gies zoveel mogelijk spullen mee.[3] Vervolgens namen de Franks – althans Anne – bij vertrek naar het Achterhuis zoveel mogelijk kleren mee door ze over elkaar aan te trekken. Miep ging later nog naar de woning op het Merwedeplein terug om te proberen wat achtergebleven kleding van Werner Goldschmidt - de achtergebleven kostganger van de familie Frank - los te krijgen.[4] Over het succes van haar poging is niets bekend. In september ’42 schrijft Anne dat ze haar vader het bont van mevrouw Dreher om zijn hoofd wikkelde. Otto Frank had voor de onderduikperiode veel contact met de Drehers, die alles van enige waarde verkochten.[5]
\r\n\r\nKleding werd schaars en duur.[6] Dat was een probleem, want de kinderen (althans Anne en Margot) groeiden uit hun kleren. Dit blijkt uit de ‘groeistreepjes’ in de kamer van de familie Frank, maar ook uit Annes dagboek. Haar nachtjapon werd veel te kort.[7] Margot liep volgens haar zus met een 'twee maten te kleine bustehouder.'[8] Volgens de B-versie werd in de zomer van 1943 de mogelijkheid besproken dat Anne onder begeleiding naar een oogarts zou gaan, waarbij bleek dat ze inmiddels uit haar jas was gegroeid.[9]
\r\n\r\nEr ontstonden ook tekorten door slijtage. Anne beschrijft hoe haar vader rondliep met een gerafelde broek en versleten das, en dat haar moeders korset het van ouderdom begaf.[8]
\r\n\r\nBep zorgde met hulp van haar zus Corry voor een doos kleren.[10] Corry Voskuijl was kleermaakster. Ze stond genoteerd als ‘ateliernaaister’.[11] Volgens de B-versie kocht Bep rond dezelfde tijd rokken voor Anne en Margot in de Bijenkorf. Deze waren duur en van slechte kwaliteit.[12] In de A-versie komt de Bijenkorf niet voor; de B-versie zwijgt over Corry’s bijdrage. Toen het in september fris werd, realiseerde Anne zich dat ze niet veel warme kleding meer had. Ze ging toen een 'wit geval' breien, een trui met ritssluiting waar ze tot half november aan werkte.[13] Met de nodige inventiviteit maakte Anne in januari ’44 van een oude onderjurk van haar moeder een ‘dansjurk’.[14]
\r\n\r\nOver kleding van de anderen is de informatie erg schaars. Pfeffer had een rood jasje[15] en mevrouw Van Pels een roze ‘bedjasje’.[7] Toen Herman van Pels uit geldnood zijn pak wilde verkopen, lukte dat niet - toen moest mevrouws mantel van konijnenbont eraan geloven.[16]
\r\n\r\nJacqueline van Maarsen schrijft in haar herinneringen dat ze op 6 juli 1942 naar de woning op het Merwedeplein ging, waar ze Annes nieuwe schoenen zag staan. Het verbaasde haar dat Anne die had achtergelaten.[17] In haar B-versie schrijft Anne over de avond voor het overhaaste vertrek naar het Achterhuis dat Jan en Miep Gies langskwamen en onder andere schoenen meenamen. Waar ze die heen brachten is niet bekend, maar later blijkt dat er schoenen van de Franks bij de familile Amende waren ondergebracht. Die wilden ze naar het Achterhuis laten komen toen vrees voor ontruiming van de hele stad ontstond,[18] maar zover kwam het niet.
\r\n\r\nIn maart ’43 paste Anne alleen haar skischoenen nog; ze kreeg een paar rieten schoentjes die zes gulden vijftig kostten en na een week al kapot waren.[19] De B-versie vermeldt verder dat Miep in de zomer van ’43 een paar suède schoenen voor haar meebracht.[20] Gezien de restricties op de schoenenhandel moest dat ofwel een clandestiene aankoop zijn gewesst, ofwel een oud paar.
\r\n\r\nPeter had gympen.[21] Anne ook, en ze probeerde daar tevergeefs balletschoenen van te maken.[22] Van Pfeffer schrijft Anne dat hij zwarte lakpantoffels had.[15]
\r\n\r\nAllerlei goederen waren over een periode van maanden per pakketpost naar de Prinsengracht gebracht. Bij aankomst stonden de dozen en het beddengoed hoog opgestapeld.[23]De B-versie suggereert dat het dagelijkse beddengoed op het Merwedeplein was achtergebleven.[24] Otto en Edith Frank sliepen niet op een matras, maar op twee opgestapelde ‘peluwen’[25] Toen Jan en Miep kwamen slapen brachten ze zelf twee dekens mee; de onderduikers hadden er ook nog twee over. Bovendien was er op de voorzolder nog een deken en een ‘plumeau’ - een halflange bedsprei - in de koffer van een verder onbekende ‘mijnheer Fuchs’.[26] Pfeffer kreeg van Charlotte Kaletta een en ander nagestuurd, maar aan te nemen valt dat hij sliep op een matras en onder dekens die al in het Achterhuis aanwezig waren.
\r\n\r\nMevrouw Van Pels haalde haar slopen en lakens uit de kast en wilde (volgens Anne) eerst die van Edith verslijten, en haar eigen spullen goed houden voor na de oorlog. Ediths handdoeken waren ook al allemaal in gebruik.[27]
\r\n\r\nVoor de onderduikers en de helpers leidde de zorg voor kleding en schoeisel tot aanhoudende problemen. Met name kwalitatief behoorlijk schoeisel was lastig te krijgen. Ondanks een gebrek aan bronnen is duidelijk dat de onderduikers in toenemende mate last van de slijtage ondervonden, ondanks dat er een zekere mate van aanvoer was. Deze aanvoer was echter zeer sterk afhankelijk van het beschikbare aanbod, en dat was erg beperkt. Vergeleken met de voedselvoorziening is er over textiel- en schoeiselkwesties minder bekend, en die vormen daarom een weerbarstiger thema.
\r\n\r\nTextile goods, like almost all foodstuffs, were not freely available during the war years. Textiles were distributed through a points system, which gave the consumer some choice in different qualities and price ranges. Shoes were available from June 1940 only with coupons issued individually.[1] To get around this, the industry tried to develop products with as little leather and rubber as possible. For the course of events in the Secret Annex, Anne's diary is virtually the only source in this area, and differences between the A and B versions can lead to confusion. However, it is sometimes possible to find confirmation with more general data. The available information concerns almost exclusively the Frank family.
\r\n\r\nA lot of clothing had been removed from the Franks' home for some time prior to going into hiding. Some had been stored in a room at the home of Opekta representative Broks.[2] After Margot's call up for labour on 5 July 1942, Jan and Miep Gies took as many things as possible.[3] Then, when the Franks - or Anne, at any rate - left for the Secret Annex, they took as many clothes as possible by putting them on over each other. Miep later went back to the house on Merwedeplein to try to get hold of some clothes left behind by Werner Goldschmidt - the Frank family's stay-behind boarder.[4] Nothing is known about the success of her attempt. In September '42, Anne writes that she wrapped Mrs Dreher's fur around her father's head. Before going into hiding, Otto Frank had a lot of contact with the Drehers, who sold anything of any value.[5]
\r\n\r\nClothes became scarce and expensive.[6] This was a problem, as the children (at least Anne and Margot) grew out of their clothes. This is evident from the 'growth marks' in the Frank family's room, but also from Anne's diary. Her nightgown became much too short.[7] Margot, according to her sister, wore a 'bra that is two sizes too small.'[8] According to the B version, the possibility of Anne seeing an ophthalmologist under supervision was discussed in the summer of 1943, in which context it turned out that she had grown out of her coat by that time.[9]
\r\n\r\nShortages also arose from wear and tear. Anne describes how her father walked around with frayed trousers and a worn-out tie, and that her mother's corset was so old it gave out.[8]
\r\n\r\nBep provided a box of clothes with the help of her sister Corry.[10] Corry Voskuijl was a dressmaker. She was listed as a 'workshop seamstress'.[11] According to the B version, Bep bought skirts for Anne and Margot from De Bijenkorf around the same time. These were expensive and of poor quality.[12] In the A version, De Bijenkorf does not appear; the B version is silent on Corry's contribution. When it got chilly in September, Anne realised she was running out of warm clothes. She then set about knitting a 'white wool sweater', a zip-up jumper that she worked on until mid-November.[13] With some inventiveness, Anne made a 'dance dress' out of an old petticoat belonging to her mother in January '44.[14]
\r\n\r\nInformation is very scarce about the clothing of the others. Pfeffer had a red jacket[15] and Mrs van Pels a pink 'bed jacket'.[7] When Herman van Pels wanted to sell his suit to get some money, he did not succeed - then Mrs van Pels' coat of rabbit fur had to go.[16]
\r\n\r\nJacqueline van Maarsen writes in her memoirs that on 6 July 1942 she went to the house on Merwedeplein, where she saw Anne's new shoes. She was surprised that Anne had left them behind.[17] In her B version, Anne writes about the evening before the hasty departure for the Secret Annex that Jan and Miep Gies came by and took shoes, among other things. Where they took them is not known, but it turns out later that some of the Franks' shoes had been left with the Amende family. They wanted these to be brought to the Secret Annex when fears of evacuation of the entire city arose,[18] but it didn't come to that.
\r\n\r\nIn March '43, Anne only fitted her ski boots; she received a pair of wicker shoes that cost six guilders fifty and broke after only a week.[19] The B version also mentions that Miep brought a pair of suede shoes for her in the summer of '43.[20] Given the restrictions on the shoe trade, these had to have been either a clandestine purchase or an old pair.
\r\n\r\nPeter had trainers.[21] So did Anne, and she tried in vain to turn them into ballet shoes.[22] Of Pfeffer, Anne writes that he had black patent slippers.[15]
\r\n\r\nAll kinds of goods had been brought to Prinsengracht by parcel post over a period of months. Upon arrival, boxes and bedding were piled high.[23] The B version suggests that the daily bedding had been left at Merwedeplein.[24] Otto and Edith Frank slept not on a mattress, but on two piled-up long pillows[25] When Jan and Miep came to sleep, they brought two blankets themselves; the people in hiding also had two left over. Moreover, in the front attic there was another blanket and a 'plumeau' - a half-length bedspread - in the suitcase of an otherwise unknown 'Mr Fuchs'.[26] Pfeffer was sent some things by Charlotte Kaletta, but it can be assumed that he slept on a mattress and under blankets that were already present in the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels took out her pillowcases and sheets, wanting (according to Anne) to wear out Edith's first, and keep her own things good for after the war. Edith's towels were also all already in use.[27]
\r\n\r\nFor the people in hiding and the helpers, caring for clothing and footwear was a cause of ongoing concern. Quality footwear in particular was hard to come by. Despite a lack of sources, it is clear that they suffered increasingly from wear and tear, despite there being a certain amount of supply. However, this supply was very much dependent on what was available, and this was very limited. Compared to the food supply, less is known about textile and footwear issues, and they are therefore a more intractable topic.
\r\n\r\nIn addition to the supply of clothes and food, the Secret Annex needed more matters - such as fuel, electricity and gas. Body care required soap, cosmetics, medicines and bandages. It was also possible to bring flowers into the house on numerous festive occasions.
\r\n\r\nIn early November 1942, the stove was lit in the Secret Annex for the first time,[1] meaning there had to be fuel by then. Private coal consumption in Amsterdam was about 280,000 tonnes a year. An average household used about 1,200 kilos.[2] As of 10 November 1941, the coal trade was subject to a system of customer loyalty through registration with a supplier.[3] As tenants of centrally heated flats, the Frank and Van Pels families did not have to deal with this. Fritz Pfeffer, as a room tenant, could not bring coal rations to the Secret Annex, as they were valid only for a specific and officially rented room.[4] Inevitably, the people in the Secret Annex took some of the coal supplies of Gies & Co. and Opekta.
\r\n\r\nDaily newspapers in autumn 1942 warned against heating too enthusiastically before it got really cold.[5] In a diary kept by two Amsterdam sisters during the war years, they wrote on 1 December 1942 that their coal supplier had not had any anthracite for a month and they were therefore forced to burn pearl coke.[6] During the first winter in hiding, there was already a clear shortage of fuel in Amsterdam.
\r\n\r\nIn the 1943 St Nicholas poem, Peter van Pels was praised for fetching coal and chopping wood.[7] In early February '44, as fears of an evacuation of the western towns grew, Anne wrote that there was plenty of coal and firewood available.[8] In the same month, she wrote that Peter was chopping wood in the attic.[9] By then, the second winter in the Secret Annex was coming to an end to some extent. Firewood could only partially replace anthracite because of its lower heating value. In March '44, Anne writes that "most people" had already run out of coal for a month.[10] This claim gets support in the underground press.[11] She did not address the situation in the Secret Annex. Assuming that the eight people in hiding together formed an average household, and in addition had to burn their rubbish, they had also burned about two thousand kilos of coal, so there must have been a regular supply of fuel.
\r\n\r\nThe electricity consumption by the people in the Secret Annex was not great. They had not much more than a few lamps, a vacuum cleaner, probably an electric iron and, after July '43, a small radio. Heavier electrical appliances were in operation in the rest of the building. There were machines with a combined motor power of about 10 HP (7.45 kW) in June 1941.[12] The machinery thus accounted for a significant proportion of the power consumption in the building. Anne's claim that a 14-day power cut was imminent[13] cannot be correct, at least not in November '42. Such a sanction was not really possible until spring 1943 at the earliest.[14] There is no reason to believe that this situation actually occurred.
\r\n\r\nThe office kitchen had a gas water heater and a two-burner stove.[15] In the Van Pels room there was a cooking facility, and given the baking by Mrs. Van Pels,[16] one can assume that this included an oven. The water heater and the stove were used for bathing and laundry. There were gas stoves in the office rooms on the first floor.[17] As with electricity, the gas ration in mid-1941 was set at 75 per cent of the same periods in the previous year, with a minimum of 60 m3.[18]
\r\n\r\nSanitary napkins, cotton wool and other bandages were among the textile goods that remained unaffected by rationing rules.[19] There were shortages, though: Anne writes in autumn 1942 about sanitary napkins that were no longer available.[20] Otherwise, the diary gives hardly any information about things like bandages and plasters. The Franks' Red Cross box was among the items stored with the Amende family, so it was not present in the Secret Annex.[21]
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels ordered various toiletries from Johannes Kleiman in October '42.[22] Toothpaste 'and the like' were still being delivered in January '44, according to Anne.[23] Nevertheless, she wrote that in May '43, she ran out of shampoo and washed her mother's hair with green soap.[24] The lack of resources made hygiene increasingly difficult.[25] As a rule, everyone in the Netherlands had to make do with about half the previously usual amount of soap.[26] This general shortage of soap and the resulting national flea plague in 1943[27] also affected the Secret Annex. Fritz Pfeffer was given a piece of 'air soap' once a month, and Anne accidentally kicked off a piece.[28] One bar of soap a month was the usual amount provided under standard rationing.[29]
\r\n\r\nA related hygiene problem occurred with Mouschi's litter box. He urinated next to his litter box when peat moss was no longer available for changing it.[30]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was both the company's dentist and general practitioner. When treating Mrs Van Pels' teeth, he apparently used cologne as a disinfectant and petroleum jelly as a wax.[31] Anne writes that he received a 'foot-operated drill' after some months, and therefore expected to undergo dental treatment soon.[32]
\r\n\r\nDuring the war years, Bep Voskuijl's younger sister Willy worked at the pharmaceutical company Brocades Stheeman on Looiersgracht, incidentally a business associate of Otto Frank since 1933. Bep sometimes asked her sister for medicine, which later turned out to have ended up in the Secret Annex.[33] Anne mentions in her diary the presence of biomals, valerian and codeine.[34]
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels received red carnations from her husband on 29 September 1942, her birthday, chrysanthemums from the helpers and roses from the Frank family - Pfeffer did not arrive until November.[35] As bulbous flowers were not allowed to be grown, chrysanthemums were the main alternative. Prices were high.[36] At St Nicholas celebrations in December that year, the ladies received lots of flowers from the now three gentlemen.[37] In that month, the Aalsmeer flower auction did operate, but due to heating bans and fuel restrictions, the only supply came from the 'cold greenhouse'. As a result, many sought-after varieties were not available.[38]
\r\n\r\nIn the spring of 1944, there were many complaints about flower dealers charging far too high prices.[39] Nevertheless, Otto Frank received roses and carnations for his birthday on 12 May.[40] A month later, Anne had a birthday and received lathyrus from Pfeffer, while Peter managed to get her a bunch of peonies.[41] In those days, flowers were still products on which substantial profits were made.[42] At thirty Amsterdam florists, the entire stock was confiscated and forcibly sold at set prices, but this windfall came just too late for Anne's birthday.[43]
\r\n\r\nThe energy and fuel supply in the Secret Annex depended entirely on the presence of Opekta and Gies & Co. in the premises. Coal allocations and power rations from the companies allowed the people there to stoke the stove and use energy without their own input - apart from a financial input.
\r\n\r\nSupplies of toiletries, medicines and related items sometimes depended on rationing, but all the more on the external contacts of the helpers. These contacts, in turn, were often related to the networks surrounding the companies.
\r\n\r\nThe flowers served to boost morale, of course, but were ultimately a form of luxury. The regular supply of flowers shows that there was still financial room for such expenses throughout the period in hiding.
\r\n\r\nNaast de aanvoer van kleding en levensmiddelen waren er in het Achterhuis meer zaken nodig, zoals brandstoffen, elektriciteit en gas. Voor de lichaamsverzorging waren zeep, cosmetica, medicijnen en verbandmiddelen nodig. Verder lukte het bij tal van feestelijke gelegenheden bloemen in huis te halen.
\r\n\r\nBegin november 1942 ging in het Achterhuis voor het eerst de kachel aan,[1] wat betekent dat er toen ook brandstof moest zijn. Het particuliere kolenverbruik in Amsterdam was ongeveer 280.000 ton per jaar. Een gemiddeld huishouden gebruikte zo’n 1.200 kilo.[2] Per 10 november 1941 gold voor de kolenhandel een stelsel van klantenbinding door middel van inschrijving bij een leverancier.[3] De families Frank en Van Pels hadden daar als huurders van centraal verwarmde woningen niet mee te maken. Fritz Pfeffer kon als kamerhuurder geen kolentoewijzingen meenemen naar het Achterhuis, omdat die alleen geldig waren voor een specifiek en officieel gehuurd vertrek.[4] Het kan niet anders of de onderduikers liftten mee op de kolenvoorraad van Gies & Co. en Opekta.
\r\n\r\nDagbladen waarschuwden in de herfst van 1942 tegen te enthousiast stoken voordat het werkelijk koud werd.[5] In het dagboekje dat twee Amsterdamse zusters tijdens de oorlogsjaren bijhielden, schreven zij op 1 december 1942 dat hun kolenleverancier al een maand geen antraciet had en zij daarom noodgedwongen parelcokes stookten.[6] In de eerste onderduikwinter was er in Amsterdam al een duidelijk tekort aan brandstof.
\r\n\r\nIn het Sinterklaasgedicht van 1943 werd Peter van Pels geprezen omdat hij kolen haalde en hout hakte.[7] Begin februari ‘44, toen de angst voor een evacuatie van de westelijke steden groeide, schrijft Anne dat er genoeg kolen en brandhout voorhanden waren.[8] In dezelfde maand schrijft ze dat Peter op de zolder hout hakte.[9] De tweede winter in het Achterhuis liep toen al enigszins ten einde. Brandhout kon vanwege de lagere stookwaarde antraciet maar gedeeltelijk vervangen. In maart ‘44 schrijft Anne dat 'de meeste mensen' al een maand zonder kolen zaten.[10] Die bewering krijgt steun in de illegale pers.[11] Over de situatie in het Achterhuis zegt ze niets. Ervan uitgaande dat de acht onderduikers samen een gemiddeld huishouden vormden, en bovendien hun huisvuil moesten verbranden, hadden ze dan toch zo’n tweeduizend kilo steenkool verstookt, dus er moet regelmatige aanvoer van brandstof zijn geweest.
\r\n\r\nHet elektraverbruik van de onderduikers in het Achterhuis was niet groot. Meer dan wat lampen, een stofzuiger, waarschijnlijk een elektrische strijkbout en na juli ’43 een klein radiootje waren er niet aanwezig. In de rest van het gebouw waren zwaardere elektrische apparaten in bedrijf. Er kwamen in juni 1941 machines met een gezamenlijk motorvermogen van zo'n 10 PK (7,45 kW) te staan.[12] Het machinepark was daarmee goed voor een aanzienlijk deel van het stroomverbruik in het pand. Annes bewering dat er een 14-daagse stroomafsluiting dreigde[13] kan niet juist zijn, althans niet in november ’42. Een dergelijke sanctie was pas op zijn vroegst in het voorjaar van 1943 werkelijk mogelijk.[14] Er is geen reden om aan te nemen dat die situatie zich daadwerkelijk voordeed.
\r\n\r\nDe kantoorkeuken had een gasgeiser en een tweepits komfoor.[15] In kamer van Van Pels was een kookgelegenheid, waarvan aan te nemen is – gezien het bakken door mevrouw[16] – dat deze van een oven was voorzien. Geiser en komfoor deden dienst bij het baden en de was. In de kantoorruimtes op de eerste verdieping stonden gaskachels.[17] Evenals bij de elektriciteit was het gasrantsoen medio 1941 bepaald op 75 procent van dezelfde perioden in het voorgaande jaar, waarbij een minimum van 60 m3 geldt.[18]
\r\n\r\nMaandverband, watten en andere verbandmiddelen behoorden tot de textielgoederen die vrij van distributieregels blijven.[19] Er was wel schaarste: Anne schrijft in de herfst van 1942 over maandverband dat niet meer te krijgen was.[20] Het dagboek geeft verder nauwelijks inlichtingen over zaken als verband en pleisters. De Rode-Kruis-doos van de Franks behoorde tot de spullen die bij de familie Amende waren ondergebracht, en is dus niet in het Achterhuis aanwezig.[21]
\r\n\r\nMevrouw Van Pels bestelde in oktober ’42 verschillende toiletartikelen bij Johannes Kleiman.[22] Tandpasta “en dergelijke” werden volgens Anne in januari ’44 nog altijd geleverd.[23] Desondanks schrijft ze dat in mei ’43 de shampoo op was, en ze haar moeders haar met groene zeep waste.[24] Het gebrek aan middelen maakte de hygiëne steeds moeilijker.[25] In de regel moest iedereen in Nederland het doen met ongeveer de helft van de voorheen gebruikelijke hoeveelheid zeep.[26] Dit algemene zeeptekort en de hierdoor mede veroorzaakte landelijke vlooienplaag in 1943[27] deden zich ook in het Achterhuis gelden. Fritz Pfeffer kreeg eens per maand een stuk ‘luchtzeep’, en Anne trapte er per ongeluk een stuk af.[28] Een stuk zeep per maand was de gebruikelijke hoeveelheid die de reguliere distributie verschafte.[29]
\r\n\r\nEen verwant hygiënisch probleem deed zich voor bij de kattenbak van Mouschi. Hij plaste naast zijn bak toen er geen turfmolm voor verschoning meer voorhanden is.[30]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was zowel de tandarts als de huisarts van het gezelschap. Bij een behandeling van het gebit van mevrouw Van Pels gebruikte hij kennelijk eau de cologne als ontsmettingsmiddel en vaseline als was.[31] Anne schrijft dat hij na enige maanden een ‘trapboormachientje’ ontving, en verwachtte dan ook snel een tandartsbehandeling te zullen ondergaan.[32]
\r\n\r\nBep Voskuijls jongere zus Willy werkte tijdens de oorlogsjaren bij farmaceuticabedrijf Brocades Stheeman aan de Looiersgracht, overigens al sinds 1933 een zakenrelatie van Otto Frank. Bep vroeg haar zus soms om medicijnen, waarvan later bleek dat die in het Achterhuis belandden.[33] Anne noemt in haar dagboek de aanwezigheid van biomals, valeriaantjes en codeïne.[34]
\r\n\r\nMevrouw Van Pels kreeg op 29 september 1942, haar verjaardag, van haar man rode anjers, van de helpers chrysanten en van de familie Frank - Pfeffer kwam pas in november - rozen.[35] Omdat er geen bolbloemen mochten worden opgekweekt, waren chrysanten het belangrijkste alternatief. De prijzen waren hoog.[36] Bij de Sinterklaasviering in december van dat jaar kregen de dames van de inmiddels drie heren veel bloemen.[37] In die maand werkte de Aalsmeerder bloemenveiling wel, maar vanwege stookverboden en brandstofbeperkingen kwam het enige aanbod uit de ‘koude kas’. Daardoor waren veel gewilde soorten niet verkrijgbaar.[38]
\r\n\r\nIn het voorjaar van 1944 waren er veel klachten over bloemenhandelaren die veel te hoge prijzen rekenden.[39] Desondanks kreeg Otto Franks voor zijn verjaardag op 12 mei rozen en anjers.[40] Een maand later was Anne jarig en kreeg van Pfeffer lathyrussen, terwijl Peter voor haar een bos pioenrozen wist te bemachtigen.[41] Bloemen waren toen nog steeds producten waar fors op werd verdiend.[42] Bij dertig Amsterdamse bloemisten werd de hele voorraad in beslag genomen en gedwongen tegen vastgestelde prijzen verkocht, maar deze meevaller kwam voor Annes verjaardag net te laat.[43]
\r\n\r\nDe energie- en brandstofvoorziening in het Achterhuis was volledig afhankelijk van de aanwezigheid van Opekta en Gies & Co. in het pand. Kolentoewijzingen en stroomrantsoenen van de bedrijven gaven de onderduikers de gelegenheid zonder eigen inbreng – afgezien van financiële – te stoken en energie te gebruiken.
\r\n\r\nAanvoer van toiletartikelen, medicijnen en aanverwante artikelen was soms afhankelijk van de distributie, maar veeleer van de externe contacten van de helpers. Deze contacten hielden veelal weer verband met de netwerken rond de bedrijven.
\r\n\r\nDe bloemen dienden natuurlijk het moreel, maar waren uiteindelijk toch een vorm van luxe. Uit de regelmatige aanvoer van bloemen blijkt dat er gedurende de hele onderduikperiode toch financiële ruimte voor zulke uitgaven was.
\r\n\r\nIn addition to the supply of clothes and food, the Secret Annex needed more matters - such as fuel, electricity and gas. Body care required soap, cosmetics, medicines and bandages. It was also possible to bring flowers into the house on numerous festive occasions.
\r\n\r\nIn early November 1942, the stove was lit in the Secret Annex for the first time,[1] meaning there had to be fuel by then. Private coal consumption in Amsterdam was about 280,000 tonnes a year. An average household used about 1,200 kilos.[2] As of 10 November 1941, the coal trade was subject to a system of customer loyalty through registration with a supplier.[3] As tenants of centrally heated flats, the Frank and Van Pels families did not have to deal with this. Fritz Pfeffer, as a room tenant, could not bring coal rations to the Secret Annex, as they were valid only for a specific and officially rented room.[4] Inevitably, the people in the Secret Annex took some of the coal supplies of Gies & Co. and Opekta.
\r\n\r\nDaily newspapers in autumn 1942 warned against heating too enthusiastically before it got really cold.[5] In a diary kept by two Amsterdam sisters during the war years, they wrote on 1 December 1942 that their coal supplier had not had any anthracite for a month and they were therefore forced to burn pearl coke.[6] During the first winter in hiding, there was already a clear shortage of fuel in Amsterdam.
\r\n\r\nIn the 1943 St Nicholas poem, Peter van Pels was praised for fetching coal and chopping wood.[7] In early February '44, as fears of an evacuation of the western towns grew, Anne wrote that there was plenty of coal and firewood available.[8] In the same month, she wrote that Peter was chopping wood in the attic.[9] By then, the second winter in the Secret Annex was coming to an end to some extent. Firewood could only partially replace anthracite because of its lower heating value. In March '44, Anne writes that "most people" had already run out of coal for a month.[10] This claim gets support in the underground press.[11] She did not address the situation in the Secret Annex. Assuming that the eight people in hiding together formed an average household, and in addition had to burn their rubbish, they had also burned about two thousand kilos of coal, so there must have been a regular supply of fuel.
\r\n\r\nThe electricity consumption by the people in the Secret Annex was not great. They had not much more than a few lamps, a vacuum cleaner, probably an electric iron and, after July '43, a small radio. Heavier electrical appliances were in operation in the rest of the building. There were machines with a combined motor power of about 10 HP (7.45 kW) in June 1941.[12] The machinery thus accounted for a significant proportion of the power consumption in the building. Anne's claim that a 14-day power cut was imminent[13] cannot be correct, at least not in November '42. Such a sanction was not really possible until spring 1943 at the earliest.[14] There is no reason to believe that this situation actually occurred.
\r\n\r\nThe office kitchen had a gas water heater and a two-burner stove.[15] In the Van Pels room there was a cooking facility, and given the baking by Mrs. Van Pels,[16] one can assume that this included an oven. The water heater and the stove were used for bathing and laundry. There were gas stoves in the office rooms on the first floor.[17] As with electricity, the gas ration in mid-1941 was set at 75 per cent of the same periods in the previous year, with a minimum of 60 m3.[18]
\r\n\r\nSanitary napkins, cotton wool and other bandages were among the textile goods that remained unaffected by rationing rules.[19] There were shortages, though: Anne writes in autumn 1942 about sanitary napkins that were no longer available.[20] Otherwise, the diary gives hardly any information about things like bandages and plasters. The Franks' Red Cross box was among the items stored with the Amende family, so it was not present in the Secret Annex.[21]
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels ordered various toiletries from Johannes Kleiman in October '42.[22] Toothpaste 'and the like' were still being delivered in January '44, according to Anne.[23] Nevertheless, she wrote that in May '43, she ran out of shampoo and washed her mother's hair with green soap.[24] The lack of resources made hygiene increasingly difficult.[25] As a rule, everyone in the Netherlands had to make do with about half the previously usual amount of soap.[26] This general shortage of soap and the resulting national flea plague in 1943[27] also affected the Secret Annex. Fritz Pfeffer was given a piece of 'air soap' once a month, and Anne accidentally kicked off a piece.[28] One bar of soap a month was the usual amount provided under standard rationing.[29]
\r\n\r\nA related hygiene problem occurred with Mouschi's litter box. He urinated next to his litter box when peat moss was no longer available for changing it.[30]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was both the company's dentist and general practitioner. When treating Mrs Van Pels' teeth, he apparently used cologne as a disinfectant and petroleum jelly as a wax.[31] Anne writes that he received a 'foot-operated drill' after some months, and therefore expected to undergo dental treatment soon.[32]
\r\n\r\nDuring the war years, Bep Voskuijl's younger sister Willy worked at the pharmaceutical company Brocades Stheeman on Looiersgracht, incidentally a business associate of Otto Frank since 1933. Bep sometimes asked her sister for medicine, which later turned out to have ended up in the Secret Annex.[33] Anne mentions in her diary the presence of biomals, valerian and codeine.[34]
\r\n\r\nMrs Van Pels received red carnations from her husband on 29 September 1942, her birthday, chrysanthemums from the helpers and roses from the Frank family - Pfeffer did not arrive until November.[35] As bulbous flowers were not allowed to be grown, chrysanthemums were the main alternative. Prices were high.[36] At St Nicholas celebrations in December that year, the ladies received lots of flowers from the now three gentlemen.[37] In that month, the Aalsmeer flower auction did operate, but due to heating bans and fuel restrictions, the only supply came from the 'cold greenhouse'. As a result, many sought-after varieties were not available.[38]
\r\n\r\nIn the spring of 1944, there were many complaints about flower dealers charging far too high prices.[39] Nevertheless, Otto Frank received roses and carnations for his birthday on 12 May.[40] A month later, Anne had a birthday and received lathyrus from Pfeffer, while Peter managed to get her a bunch of peonies.[41] In those days, flowers were still products on which substantial profits were made.[42] At thirty Amsterdam florists, the entire stock was confiscated and forcibly sold at set prices, but this windfall came just too late for Anne's birthday.[43]
\r\n\r\nThe energy and fuel supply in the Secret Annex depended entirely on the presence of Opekta and Gies & Co. in the premises. Coal allocations and power rations from the companies allowed the people there to stoke the stove and use energy without their own input - apart from a financial input.
\r\n\r\nSupplies of toiletries, medicines and related items sometimes depended on rationing, but all the more on the external contacts of the helpers. These contacts, in turn, were often related to the networks surrounding the companies.
\r\n\r\nThe flowers served to boost morale, of course, but were ultimately a form of luxury. The regular supply of flowers shows that there was still financial room for such expenses throughout the period in hiding.
\r\n\r\nFor the children in the Secret Annex, it was important to ensure that they could return to school after the expected end of the war and the restoration of normality. Anne writes frequently about how she hoped and expected to be able to continue her education. In July '44, a few weeks after D-Day, she expected to be back in school in October.[1] Margot, Anne and Peter were regularly updating their school knowledge. Some of the adults were also engaged in self-study. The plan drawn up by Hermann van Pels and quoted by Anne Prospectus and leitmotif for the Secret Annex stated that the people there would help and correct each other when making mistakes in the Dutch language.[2]
\r\n\r\nAnne attended the Sixth Montessori School on Niersstraat in Amsterdam's Rivierenbuurt neighbourhood. It was initially planned that she would stay there for an extra year after the summer of 1941, but because of educational segregation she had to go to the Jewish Lyceum.[3] In August '42, once in hiding, she received tutoring from her father. Her school knowledge was draining away.[4] Her father tried to help her with sums, but because they were also beyond him, Margot had to step in.[5] She studied French, especially irregular verbs, and read the book La belle Nivernaise by Alphonse Daudet.[6] German reading progressed.[7] She also learned the words for 'brothel' and 'cocotte', which must not have been part of the regular curriculum.[8]
\r\n\r\nOn 27 April 1944, Anne describes what she learned one day. About Brazil, she quotes passages from her land and ethnography book. The comparison between the Mississippi River and the Missouri River is from the same book.[9] The passages about monkeys and hippos she also derived from a textbook.[10] She additionally mentions a large number of historical figures, but it is not known which book she used for them. She loved history, but had an aversion to algebra, geometry and arithmetic.[11] Algebra she learned only under pressure from her father.[12] Other subjects she studied included art, mythology, Dutch literature and biblical history.[13] For her last birthday, 12 June 1944, she received, among other things, the booklet Principles of Botany.[14] In the front she wrote, "Anne Frank 12 June 1944 Secret Annex."[15] Since Anne had never shown a particular interest in plants, this gift must also have been a result of the hope of returning to school.
\r\n\r\nTogether with Margot and her father, Anne took the shorthand course of the institute Cursus Zelfontwikkeling.[16] This Amsterdam-West institute had been offering correspondence courses for years. In early 1940 this stenography course cost 65 cents per month.[17] In September 1943 it was 85 cents per month.[18] Even before the end of that year the price increased to a guilder a month.[19] Progress is discussed regularly in the diary, sometimes quite appropriately in shorthand form. Anne wanted to go from 75 syllables per minute to 140.[20] According to the B version, Anne, Margot and Peter took the course,[21] and finished it in March '43.[22] However, Anne was still working on it in July of that year as well.[23]
\r\n\r\nMargot had to leave the Municipal Lyceum for Girls in the autumn of 1941,[24] to attend the newly founded Jewish Lyceum.[25] In the Secret Annex, Margot kept up with regular school subjects, and, like Anne and her father, took the stenography course. She considered taking a course in calligraphy at the same institute.[26] However, Anne does not return to this in her diary.
\r\n\r\nIn the autumn of 1943, Margot did enroll at Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI) for a course in Elementary Latin.[27] She chose a pace of one lesson per week, with payment one month in advance, and she wanted to keep the material upon completion. She submitted her lessons under the name Elly Voskuijl.[28] It was therefore Bep who took care of sending in the assignments she made.[29] Teacher A.C. Nielson corrected Margot's work, very regularly adding compliments.[30] Otto Frank, former grammar school student, helped Margot, and in the B version Anne describes them as "the Latinists".[31]
\r\n\r\nDuring the hiding period, Margot studied English, French, shorthand (English, German and Dutch), mechanics, trigonometry, stereometry, physics, chemistry, algebra, geometry, English, French and German literature, bookkeeping, geography, modern history, biology and economics, in addition to the Latin course.[32]
\r\n\r\nAfter the arrest, Bep wrote to LOI that she wanted to discontinue the course.[33] It was not until June ' 45 that she wrote to this institute how things really were.[34] In 1947, Nielson received a copy of The Secret Annex by Otto Frank, and wrote in his letter of thanks: "During the war, hundreds of people in hiding [...] attended our classes. [...] Hundreds of letters from this time I keep as a precious memory of the many lonely and anxious people in hiding, to whom my lessons brought comfort and culture [...].'[35]
\r\n\r\nIn correspondence about the post-war Entschädigung, Otto Frank's lawyer wrote on his authority that Margot would have liked to study medicine. The Latin course was intended as preparation for this.[36] Anne writes that Margot wanted to go to Palestine as a maternity nurse.[37] This played out around the time that Palestina op de tweesprong (Palestine at the Crossroads) was being read in the Secret Annex, which discussed professional child care in detail.[38] Otto Frank believed that this change of direction was a result of the increasing hopelessness caused by the ongoing occupation.[37]
\r\n\r\nAnne was tutored by her father, but she helped him with Dutch. She made fun of his mistakes, for example when he mixed up the Dutch 'klotsen' and the German 'glotzen'.[39] She was rather negative about her mother's Dutch.[40] To what extent Edith Frank mastered the Dutch language is unclear. According to her husband, she was also taught English for some time by Rosey Pool, a later teacher at the Jewish Lyceum.[41] In the Secret Annex, according to Anne, Edith was still learning English, but in writing.[42] Improvement in English proficiency was basically done with a view to the intended emigration to England or America.
\r\n\r\nBefore going into hiding, Peter attended vocational training. In a well-known photo of him, he is working on the upholstery and springs of a chair or sofa.[43] According to Anne, he was still learning woodworking in the Secret Annex.[13] She was probably referring to the theory of this course.
\r\n\r\nPeter was working on English in the autumn of '42, and French in early '44.[44] He got help with French from Anne, who incidentally writes that he was good at English and geography.[45] In 1963, Otto Frank recounted that on 4 August 1944, he was helping Peter with English at the moment when the Sicherheitsdienst raided the Secret Annex.[46]
\r\n\r\nThe Prospectus and leitmotif for the Secret Annex, according to Anne created by Hermann van Pels,[2] was written in fairly good Dutch. Anne suggests elsewhere that his Dutch left much to be desired,[47] which might indicate that he had help writing it. Auguste van Pels, according to Anne, was studying a language book while stirring in a pan.[48] The museum collection of the Anne Frank Foundation contains a Kleine Niederländische Sprachlehre for school and self-study.[49] Despite her efforts, Anne said she spoke 'outrageous' Dutch.[50] If this is true, the good intention mentioned in the "Prospectus" to help each other learn the language did not come to pass.
\r\n\r\nIn connection with his intended emigration to South America, Pfeffer taught himself Spanish. Among other things, he translated the Spanish-language travel guide Holande. Mi viaje a travès de los Paises Bajos by W. Fernandez Flores into Dutch.[51] Anne writes repeatedly about Pfeffer working relentlessly on his 'pensum'.[52]
\r\n\r\nIn improving his correspondence, he received help from Margot; Anne condescendingly called it "education for children who get no further".[53] Considering that in 1920 Pfeffer had graduated as "Dr. med. dent.",[54] his cognitive abilities will not have been so poor in reality.
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex were much occupied with learning and reading, because there was not much to do besides household chores and support work for the businesses. The children in particular were trying to keep their knowledge up to date in the context of an expected return to school.
\r\n\r\nVoor de kinderen in het Achterhuis was het van belang ervoor te zorgen dat ze na de verwachte beëindiging van de oorlog en het herstel van de normale verhoudingen terug naar school kodnen. Anne schrijft er regelmatig over dat ze hoopte en verwachtte haar opleiding te kunnen vervolgen. In juli ’44, enkele weken na D-Day, denkt ze in oktober weer in de schoolbanken te kunnen zitten.[1] Margot, Anne en Peter waren geregeld bezig hun schoolkennis bij te houden. Ook een aantal van de volwassenen hield zich met (zelf-)studie bezig. De door Hermann van Pels opgestelde en door Anne aangehaalde Prospectus en leiddraad voor het Achterhuis stelde dat de onderduikers elkaar zouden helpen en verbeteren bij het maken van fouten in de Nederlandse taal.[2]
\r\n\r\nAnne bezocht de Zesde Montessorischool aan de Niersstraat in de Amsterdamse Rivierenbuurt. Het was aanvankelijk de bedoeling dat ze daar na de zomer van 1941 een extra jaar zou blijven, maar vanwege de onderwijssegregatie moest ze naar het Joods Lyceum.[3] In augustus ’42 kreeg ze, eenmaal ondergedoken, van haar vader bijles. Haar schoolkennis was aan het wegzakken.[4] Haar vader probeerde haar te helpen met sommen, maar omdat ze ook hem boven de pet gingen moest Margot bijspringen.[5] Ze studeerde op het Frans, vooral onregelmatige werkwoorden en las het boek La belle Nivernaise van Alphonse Daudet.[6] Het Duits lezen ging vooruit.[7] Ze leerde ook de woorden ‘bordeel’ en ‘cocotte’, wat niet tot het reguliere lesprogramma zal hebben behoord.[8]
\r\n\r\nOp 27 april 1944 beschrijft Anne wat ze op een dag zoal leerde. Over Brazilië haalt ze passages aan uit haar land- en volkenkundeboek. De vergelijking tussen de Mississippi en de Missouri komt uit hetzelfde boek.[9] De passages over apen en nijlpaarden ontleende ze ook aan een schoolboek.[10] Ze noemt daarnaast een groot aantal historische figuren, maar niet bekend is welk boek ze daar bij gebruikte. Ze hield van geschiedenis, maar tegen algebra, meetkunde en rekenen had ze een weerzin.[11] Algebra leerde ze slechts onder druk van haar vader.[12] Kunst, mythologie, Nederlandse literatuur en bijbelse geschiedenis behoorden ook tot haar vakken.[13] Voor haar laatste verjaardag, 12 juni 1944, kreeg ze onder meer het boekje Beginselen der plantkunde.[14] Voorin schreef ze: “Anne Frank 12 Juni 1944 Achterhuis”.[15] Daar Anne nooit een bijzondere interesse voor planten aan de dag had gelegd, zal dit cadeau ook een voortvloeisel zijn geweest van de hoop op een terugkeer naar school.
\r\n\r\nAnne volgde samen met Margot en haar vader de cursus steno van het instituut Cursus Zelfontwikkeling.[16] Dit instituut uit Amsterdam-West bood al jarenlang correspondentiecursussen aan. Begin 1940 kostte deze cursus steno 65 cent per maand.[17] In september 1943 was dat 85 cent per maand.[18] Nog voor het einde van dat jaar steeg de prijs naar een gulden per maand.[19] De vorderingen komen regelmatig in het dagboek ter sprake, heel toepasselijk soms ook in stenovorm. Anne wilde van 75 lettergrepen per minuut naar 140.[20] Volgens de B-versie deden Anne, Margot en Peter de cursus,[21] en is deze in maart ’43 klaar.[22] Anne was er echter ook in juli van dat jaar nog mee in de weer.[23]
\r\n\r\nMargot moest in de herfst van 1941 het Gemeentelijk Lyceum voor Meisjes verlaten,[24] om naar het nieuw opgerichte Joods Lyceum te gaan.[25] In het Achterhuis hield Margot de reguliere schoolvakken bij, en volgde net als Anne en haar vader de stenocursus. Ze overwoog bij hetzelfde instituut een cursus ‘Schoonschrijven’ te volgen.[26] Anne komt hier in haar dagboek echter niet meer op terug.
\r\n\r\nIn de herfst van 1943 schreef Margot zich wel in bij de Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI) voor een cursus ‘Elementair Latijn’[27] Ze koos voor een tempo van één les per week, met betaling van een maand vooruit en ze wilde het materiaal na afloop houden. Ze stuurde haar lessen in onder de naam Elly Voskuijl.[28] Het was dan ook Bep die zorg droeg voor het versturen van de gemaakte opdrachten.[29] Docent A.C. Nielson corrigeerde Margots werk, en plaatste daar zeer geregeld complimenten bij.[30] Otto Frank, oud-gymnasiast, hielp Margot en in de B-versie omschrijft Anne hen als ‘de Latijners’.[31]
\r\n\r\nTijdens de onderduikperiode deed Margot naast de cursus Latijn ook aan Engels, Frans, steno (Engels, Duits en Nederlands), mechanica, goniometrie, stereometrie, natuurkunde, scheikunde, algebra, meetkunde, Engelse, Franse en Duitse literatuur, boekhouden, aardrijkskunde, moderne geschiedenis, biologie en economie.[32]
\r\n\r\nNa de arrestatie schreef Bep aan de LOI dat ze de cursus wilde stopzetten.[33] Pas in juni ’45 schreef ze aan dit instituut hoe de zaak werkelijk in de steel zat.[34] Nielson kreeg in 1947 een exemplaar van Het Achterhuis van Otto Frank, en schreef in zijn bedankbrief: 'Gedurende de oorlog hebben honderden onderduikers […] onze lessen gevolgd. […] Honderden brieven uit deze tijd bewaar ik als een kostbare herinnering aan de vele eenzame en angstige onderduikers, aan wie mijn lessen troost en cultuur brachten […].'[35]
\r\n\r\nIn correspondentie over de naoorlogse Entschädigung schreef Otto Franks advocaat op zijn gezag dat Margot graag medicijnen had willen studeren. De Latijnse cursus was als voorbereiding hierop bedoeld.[36] Anne schrijft dat Margot als kraamverpleegster naar Palestina wilde gaan.[37] Dit speelde rond de tijd dat in het Achterhuis Palestina op de tweesprong werd gelezen, waarin de professionele kinderverzorging daar uitgebreid ter sprake kwam.[38] Otto Frank meende dat deze koerswijziging gevolg was van de toenemende hopeloosheid die door de zich voortslepende bezetting wordt veroorzaakt.[37]
\r\n\r\nAnne kreeg bijles van haar vader, maar zij hielp hem met Nederlands. Ze maakte zich vrolijk om zijn fouten, bijvoorbeeld toen hij het Nederlandse ‘klotsen’ en het Duitse ‘glotzen’ door elkaar haalde.[39] Over het Nederlands van haar moeder was ze nogal negatief.[40] In hoeverre Edith Frank de Nederlandse taal beheerste, is onduidelijk. Volgens haar man kreeg ze ook enige tijd Engelse les van Rosey Pool, een latere lerares aan het Joods Lyceum.[41] In het Achterhuis leerde Edith volgens Anne nog steeds Engels, maar dan schriftelijk.[42] Verbetering van de Engelse taalbeheersing gebeurde in principe met het oog op de voorgenomen emigratie naar Engeland of Amerika.
\r\n\r\nVoor hij ging onderduiken volgde Peter een beroepsopleiding. Op een bekende foto van hem is hij bezig aan de bekleding en vering van een stoel of bank.[43] Volgens Anne leerde hij in het Achterhuis nog steeds houtbewerking.[13] Waarschijnlijk doelde ze daarmee op de theorie van deze opleiding.
\r\n\r\nPeter was in de herfst van ’42 bezig met Engels, en begin ’44 met Frans.[44] Met het Frans kreeg hij hulp van Anne, die overigens schrijft dat hij goed was in Engels en aardrijkskunde.[45] In 1963 vertelde Otto Frank dat hij op 4 augustus 1944 Peter juist met Engels hielp toen de Sicherheitsdienst het Achterhuis binnenviel.[46]
\r\n\r\nDe Prospectus en leiddraad voor het Achterhuis, volgens Anne door Hermann van Pels gemaakt,[2] was in vrij goed Nederlands gesteld. Anne suggereert elders dat zijn Nederlands te wensen overliet,[47] wat erop zou kunnen duiden dat hij daar hulp bij heeft gehad. Auguste van Pels bestudeerde volgens Anne een taalboekje terwijl ze in een pan roerde.[48] De museale collectie van de Anne Frank Stichting bevat een Kleine Niederländische Sprachlehre voor school en zelfstudie.[49] Ondanks haar pogingen sprak ze volgens Anne 'schandelijk' Nederlands.[50] Als dat klopt is er van het in de 'Prospectus’ genoemde goede voornemen elkaar met het leren van de taal te helpen toch niet zo veel terechtgekomen.
\r\n\r\nIn verband met zijn voorgenomen emigratie naar Zuid-Amerika leerde Pfeffer zichzelf Spaans. Hij vertaalde hiervoor onder meer een Spaanstalig reisgidsje Holande. Mi viaje a travès de los Paises Bajos van W. Fernandez Flores in het Nederlands.[51] Anne schrijft herhaaldelijk over Pfeffer die onverdroten aan zijn ‘pensum’ werkte.[52]
\r\n\r\nBij het verbeteren van zijn correspondentie kreeg hij hulp van Margot; Anne noemt het neerbuigend 'onderwijs voor kinderen die niet verder komen.'[53] In aanmerking genomen dat Pfeffer in 1920 tot “Dr. med. dent.” was gepromoveerd,[54] zullen zijn cognitieve vermogens in werkelijkheid niet zo slecht zijn geweest.
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers waren veel bezig met leren en lezen, omdat er naast de huishoudelijke taken en ondersteunende werkzaamheden voor de bedrijven niet veel was te doen. Met name de kinderen probeerden hun kennis op peil te houden met het oog op een verwachte terugkeer naar school.
\r\n\r\nFor the children in the Secret Annex, it was important to ensure that they could return to school after the expected end of the war and the restoration of normality. Anne writes frequently about how she hoped and expected to be able to continue her education. In July '44, a few weeks after D-Day, she expected to be back in school in October.[1] Margot, Anne and Peter were regularly updating their school knowledge. Some of the adults were also engaged in self-study. The plan drawn up by Hermann van Pels and quoted by Anne Prospectus and leitmotif for the Secret Annex stated that the people there would help and correct each other when making mistakes in the Dutch language.[2]
\r\n\r\nAnne attended the Sixth Montessori School on Niersstraat in Amsterdam's Rivierenbuurt neighbourhood. It was initially planned that she would stay there for an extra year after the summer of 1941, but because of educational segregation she had to go to the Jewish Lyceum.[3] In August '42, once in hiding, she received tutoring from her father. Her school knowledge was draining away.[4] Her father tried to help her with sums, but because they were also beyond him, Margot had to step in.[5] She studied French, especially irregular verbs, and read the book La belle Nivernaise by Alphonse Daudet.[6] German reading progressed.[7] She also learned the words for 'brothel' and 'cocotte', which must not have been part of the regular curriculum.[8]
\r\n\r\nOn 27 April 1944, Anne describes what she learned one day. About Brazil, she quotes passages from her land and ethnography book. The comparison between the Mississippi River and the Missouri River is from the same book.[9] The passages about monkeys and hippos she also derived from a textbook.[10] She additionally mentions a large number of historical figures, but it is not known which book she used for them. She loved history, but had an aversion to algebra, geometry and arithmetic.[11] Algebra she learned only under pressure from her father.[12] Other subjects she studied included art, mythology, Dutch literature and biblical history.[13] For her last birthday, 12 June 1944, she received, among other things, the booklet Principles of Botany.[14] In the front she wrote, "Anne Frank 12 June 1944 Secret Annex."[15] Since Anne had never shown a particular interest in plants, this gift must also have been a result of the hope of returning to school.
\r\n\r\nTogether with Margot and her father, Anne took the shorthand course of the institute Cursus Zelfontwikkeling.[16] This Amsterdam-West institute had been offering correspondence courses for years. In early 1940 this stenography course cost 65 cents per month.[17] In September 1943 it was 85 cents per month.[18] Even before the end of that year the price increased to a guilder a month.[19] Progress is discussed regularly in the diary, sometimes quite appropriately in shorthand form. Anne wanted to go from 75 syllables per minute to 140.[20] According to the B version, Anne, Margot and Peter took the course,[21] and finished it in March '43.[22] However, Anne was still working on it in July of that year as well.[23]
\r\n\r\nMargot had to leave the Municipal Lyceum for Girls in the autumn of 1941,[24] to attend the newly founded Jewish Lyceum.[25] In the Secret Annex, Margot kept up with regular school subjects, and, like Anne and her father, took the stenography course. She considered taking a course in calligraphy at the same institute.[26] However, Anne does not return to this in her diary.
\r\n\r\nIn the autumn of 1943, Margot did enroll at Leidse Onderwijsinstellingen (LOI) for a course in Elementary Latin.[27] She chose a pace of one lesson per week, with payment one month in advance, and she wanted to keep the material upon completion. She submitted her lessons under the name Elly Voskuijl.[28] It was therefore Bep who took care of sending in the assignments she made.[29] Teacher A.C. Nielson corrected Margot's work, very regularly adding compliments.[30] Otto Frank, former grammar school student, helped Margot, and in the B version Anne describes them as "the Latinists".[31]
\r\n\r\nDuring the hiding period, Margot studied English, French, shorthand (English, German and Dutch), mechanics, trigonometry, stereometry, physics, chemistry, algebra, geometry, English, French and German literature, bookkeeping, geography, modern history, biology and economics, in addition to the Latin course.[32]
\r\n\r\nAfter the arrest, Bep wrote to LOI that she wanted to discontinue the course.[33] It was not until June ' 45 that she wrote to this institute how things really were.[34] In 1947, Nielson received a copy of The Secret Annex by Otto Frank, and wrote in his letter of thanks: "During the war, hundreds of people in hiding [...] attended our classes. [...] Hundreds of letters from this time I keep as a precious memory of the many lonely and anxious people in hiding, to whom my lessons brought comfort and culture [...].'[35]
\r\n\r\nIn correspondence about the post-war Entschädigung, Otto Frank's lawyer wrote on his authority that Margot would have liked to study medicine. The Latin course was intended as preparation for this.[36] Anne writes that Margot wanted to go to Palestine as a maternity nurse.[37] This played out around the time that Palestina op de tweesprong (Palestine at the Crossroads) was being read in the Secret Annex, which discussed professional child care in detail.[38] Otto Frank believed that this change of direction was a result of the increasing hopelessness caused by the ongoing occupation.[37]
\r\n\r\nAnne was tutored by her father, but she helped him with Dutch. She made fun of his mistakes, for example when he mixed up the Dutch 'klotsen' and the German 'glotzen'.[39] She was rather negative about her mother's Dutch.[40] To what extent Edith Frank mastered the Dutch language is unclear. According to her husband, she was also taught English for some time by Rosey Pool, a later teacher at the Jewish Lyceum.[41] In the Secret Annex, according to Anne, Edith was still learning English, but in writing.[42] Improvement in English proficiency was basically done with a view to the intended emigration to England or America.
\r\n\r\nBefore going into hiding, Peter attended vocational training. In a well-known photo of him, he is working on the upholstery and springs of a chair or sofa.[43] According to Anne, he was still learning woodworking in the Secret Annex.[13] She was probably referring to the theory of this course.
\r\n\r\nPeter was working on English in the autumn of '42, and French in early '44.[44] He got help with French from Anne, who incidentally writes that he was good at English and geography.[45] In 1963, Otto Frank recounted that on 4 August 1944, he was helping Peter with English at the moment when the Sicherheitsdienst raided the Secret Annex.[46]
\r\n\r\nThe Prospectus and leitmotif for the Secret Annex, according to Anne created by Hermann van Pels,[2] was written in fairly good Dutch. Anne suggests elsewhere that his Dutch left much to be desired,[47] which might indicate that he had help writing it. Auguste van Pels, according to Anne, was studying a language book while stirring in a pan.[48] The museum collection of the Anne Frank Foundation contains a Kleine Niederländische Sprachlehre for school and self-study.[49] Despite her efforts, Anne said she spoke 'outrageous' Dutch.[50] If this is true, the good intention mentioned in the "Prospectus" to help each other learn the language did not come to pass.
\r\n\r\nIn connection with his intended emigration to South America, Pfeffer taught himself Spanish. Among other things, he translated the Spanish-language travel guide Holande. Mi viaje a travès de los Paises Bajos by W. Fernandez Flores into Dutch.[51] Anne writes repeatedly about Pfeffer working relentlessly on his 'pensum'.[52]
\r\n\r\nIn improving his correspondence, he received help from Margot; Anne condescendingly called it "education for children who get no further".[53] Considering that in 1920 Pfeffer had graduated as "Dr. med. dent.",[54] his cognitive abilities will not have been so poor in reality.
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex were much occupied with learning and reading, because there was not much to do besides household chores and support work for the businesses. The children in particular were trying to keep their knowledge up to date in the context of an expected return to school.
\r\n\r\nOne of the pastimes on which the people in the Secret Annex spent their time was reading. There was initially a clear distinction between the adults and the children; several books were considered unsuitable for the young. Attitudes changed and the children grew up, as a result of which this naturally became less of a problem. Furthermore, the selection of books for children was closely linked to the aim of preventing the children falling behind at school. Specific issues around the learning theme were addressed in more detail with this. The reading material consisted of books brought to the Secret Annex by the people in hiding and books provided by the helpers. Johannes Kleiman brought books belonging to him and his daughter.[1] Jan Gies regularly took books from the C.O.M.O. reading library of his friend and former colleague Jacob Licht.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe first entries in the diary about books are from 14 June 1942 and therefore predate the hiding period. Anne writes about the books she received for her birthday. These included the two volumes of Nederlandsche Sagen en Legenden ('Dutch Sagas and Legends') by Josef Cohen. She gave volume 1 to a neighbour girl before she went into hiding, who gave it to the Anne Frank House seventy years later. This reunited the two volumes for the first time since 1942. Over time, Anne's reading gradually became more mature.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn September '42, Kleiman brought a book that sparked a minor controversy in the Secret Annex. It was a book 'from the previous war ' and because, according to Anne, it was 'very freely written' , Peter and Margot were not allowed to read the trilogy in question.[4] According to Anne, the book's theme was a 'women's topic '.[5] According to the characteristics that Anne noted - a book from the time of the First World War, with a women's subject, 'freely written ' - and moreover a trilogy published in one volume before September 1942, there is only one book that this could have been, namely Gij Vrouwen..!, Vrouwen in nood and Vrouwenroeping by Australian-British writer Helen Zenna Smith,[6] which had been published by De Arbeiderspers in 1938. These books - Dutch translations of Not so quiet: stepdaughters of war (1930), Women of the aftermath (1932) and Shadow women (1932) - told the story of some English girls of good character who were ambulance drivers behind the front carrying off wounded soldiers. The author depicted the accompanying coarsening rather explicitly.
\r\n\r\nAt the same time, Edith was reading Heeren, knechten en vrouwen (The House of Tavelinck) by Jo van Ammers-Küller. Anne wanted to read this too, but she was not allowed to.[7] When Anne read Marianne Philips' Henri van den overkant (Henri from the Other Side), she received negative comments from Pfeffer and Mrs Van Pels.[8] In March '44, Anne wrote in her diary that she was annoyed that her reading was supervised, while adding that she was actually allowed to read almost anything.[9] She writes that she is happy to be allowed to read some more 'mature books', and gives this statement the date of late October '42. But as this is in the B version, it was therefore actually written much later.[10]
\r\n\r\nAnne enthusiastically read the various volumes of Joop ter Heul, and even read Een zomerzotheid (A Summer Folly) four times.[11] The books Kleiman brought along included Van Marxveldt's De louteringskuur (The Purification Cure).[12] She based her own Jopopinoloukico club on the characters from the Joop ter Heul series. In her first diary (the A-version), she addressed her letters to Pop, Conny, Marianne, Kitty and others. Over time, Kitty remained.
\r\n\r\nKleiman brought Het boek voor de jeugd (The Book for Young People) for Anne. He also lent other children's books, such as Else’s baantjes (Else's jobs) and Riek, de kwajongen (Riek, the tomboy), to the people in the Secret Annex. These belonged to his daughter, and he took them on the pretext of lending them to Bep's sisters.[13] Anne also wanted to read Kees de jongen (Young Kees) by Theo Thijssen, but it is unclear whether this happened.[14]
\r\n\r\nBoth Otto Frank and Anne were interested in mythological and historical subjects. Otto had been a grammar school student and in 1908 he attended a summer semester of art history at Heidelberg University, where he was taught in those subjects, among others.[15] Edith also attended grammar school in Aachen. She possessed several philosophically and religiously oriented books, some of which also went with her to the Secret Annex. Some of these belong to the museum collection of the Anne Frank House.
\r\n\r\nAnne did not like the way her mother insisted on reading a prayer book, but for form she read some prayers 'in German'.[16] Anne preferred reading about films and movie stars. Victor Kugler therefore regularly brought the magazine Cinema & Theater for her.[17] She referred to what she read in it in her diary and in the little story 'The Pool of Decay'.[18]
\r\n\r\nIn May 1944, Palestina op de tweesprong (Palestine at the Crossroads) by Hungarian journalist László Faragó was present in the Secret Annex, and Anne started reading it too.[19] Around the same time, she wrote that her sister Margot wanted to become a maternity nurse in Palestine.[20] It is plausible that this idea arose from reading this book, which discusses childcare in Palestine by trained nurses several times.[21]
\r\n\r\nFor her last birthday, 12 June 1944, Kugler gave Anne a biography of Maria Theresia, by Zdenko von Kraft. Gifts also included Anton Springer's five-volume art history series, which was already present in the Secret Annex.[22]
\r\n\r\nOf the inhabitants of the Secret Annex, Edith Frank was the one with the most literary baggage, according to Anne.[23] Others also read well-known literature. Anne wrote several times about her father reading Dickens, without mentioning any titles.[24] He used it to learn English, so he read it in the original language. [25] In the museum collection of the Anne Frank House, there is a copy of Sketches by Boz that came from Otto Frank.[26] Pfeffer read Henri van den overkant (Henri from the other side) by Marianne Philips, and praised it; Anne was less enthusiastic.[27] In April 1944, she transcribed an unknown play by Carry van Bruggen.[28]
\r\n\r\nEarlier that year, the inhabitants of the Secret Annex read Ochtend zonder wolken (Morning without clouds), the first part of the trilogy De geschiedenis van Robin Stuart (The history of Robin Stuart) by Australian writer Eric Lowe.[29] The Dutch translation of this trilogy, originally published as a one-volume novel, entitled Salute to freedom, was by renowned Dutch author Simon Vestdijk. Anne included a passage from the second part, De terugkeer van de held (Return of a hero), in her Favourite Quotes Notebook. Given this book of quotations, she also read works by Multatuli, Justus van Maurik, Shakespeare and Jacob van Maerlant.[30] With her father, she continued to read works by the German poet and playwright Theodor Körner, and he wanted her to read works by German playwright Friedrich Hebbel as well.[31]
\r\n\r\nTrilogies were popular in the Secret Annex: besides Helen Zenna Smith's trilogy mentioned above and the books about Robin Stuart, Anne mentions the Bjørndal-trilogy by Norwegian writer Trygve Gulbranssen and Hongaarsche rhapsodie (Hungarian melody), the trilogy about the life of composer and pianist Franz Liszt by Hungarian writer Zsolt Harsányi. From this same author Anne read romanticized biographies of painter Peter Paul Rubens and physicist Galileo Galilei. The Favourite Quotes Notebook shows that she also read at least one part of Sigrid Undset's Kristin Lavransdatter-trilogy. She quotes a passage from the part entitled The wife, in any event, which indicates that she read it.[30]
\r\n\r\nNewspapers were read in the Secret Annex. Anne writes in late 1942 about a newspaper report following the execution of hostages.[32] In February 1944, she reports that all the newspapers were speculating about an imminent invasion.[33] Exactly which newspapers were available is not known, but Anne quoted two humorous rhymes by Clinge Doorenbos, a reporter writing in De Telegraaf .[34] Several other diary entries also indicate the presence of this newspaper. Anne also notes on 26 October 1942 that Kugler brought them twelve issues of Panorama: 'now we have something to read again'.[35] At least in early 1944, Kugler still brought Cinema & Theater, the Haagsche Post and occasionally Das Reich every week.[36] Some notes show that she actually read Cinema & Theater and the Haagsche Post .[18]
\r\n\r\nSeveral notes also reveal that the people in hiding read clandestine magazines, or at least took note of them. Anne copied an allegation from a 'reliable source' that there had been a football match between people in hiding and military police somewhere in the Netherlands.[37] Anne also made references to Vrij Nederland.[38]
\r\n\r\nAs far as can be seen, among the adults, Mr and Mrs Van Pels were the least engaged in reading. Mrs Van Pels did read Henri van den overkant, as she discussed this with Pfeffer and Anne. Most of the information on the reading behaviour of Mr and Mrs Van Pels comes from Anne's diary, so there is a chance that the picture is distorted.
\r\n\r\nEen van de bezigheden waarmee de onderduikers hun tijd doorbrachten is lezen. Er was aanvankelijk een duidelijk onderscheid tussen de volwassenen en de kinderen; verschillende boeken werden voor de jeugd ongeschikt geacht. De opvattingen veranderden en de kinderen werden groter, waarmee dit vanzelf minder problematisch werd. Verder hing de selectie van boeken voor de kinderen nauw samen met het streven de schoolachterstand te beperken. Specifieke kwesties rond het leerthema kwamen daar nader aan de orde. De lectuur bestond uit boeken die door de onderduikers naar het Achterhuis waren meegenomen en boeken die door de helpers werden aangedragen. Johannes Kleiman bracht boeken van zichzelf en van zijn dochter mee.[1] Jan Gies haalde regelmatig boeken uit de leesbibliotheek C.O.M.O. van zijn vriend en ex-collega Jacob Licht.[2]
\r\n\r\nDe eerste berichten in het dagboek over boeken zijn van 14 juni 1942 en dateren dus van voor de onderduik. Anne schrijft over de boeken die ze rond haar verjaardag kreeg. Hiertoe behoorden onder meer de twee delen van Nederlandsche Sagen en Legenden van Josef Cohen. Deel 1 gaf ze voor ze ging onderduiken aan een buurmeisje, die het zeventig jaar later afstond aan de Anne Frank Stichting. Daarmee werden de twee delen voor het eerst sinds 1942 weer verenigd. In de loop van de tijd werd Annes lectuur langzaamaan wat volwassener.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn september ’42 bracht Kleiman een boek mee dat een kleine controverse in het Achterhuis teweeg bracht. Het was een boek 'uit de vorige oorlog' en omdat het volgens Anne 'erg vrij geschreven' was, mochten Peter en Margot de betreffende trilogie niet lezen.[4] Het boek had volgens Anne als thema een 'vrouwenonderwerp'.[5] Volgens de kenmerken die Anne noteerde - een boek uit de tijd van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, met een vrouwenonderwerp, ‘vrij’ geschreven' - en bovendien een trilogie die voor september 1942 in één band was verschenen, is er maar één boek dat dat geweest zou kunnen zijn, namelijk Gij Vrouwen..!, Vrouwen in nood en Vrouwenroeping door de Australisch-Britse schrijfster Helen Zenna Smith,[6] dat in 1938 door de Arbeiderspers was uitgegeven. Dit boek - een vertaling in het Nederlands van Not so quiet: stepdaughters of war (1930), Women of the aftermath (1932) en Shadow women (1932) - vertelde het verhaal van enkele Engelse meisjes van goede huize, die als ambulancechauffeurs achter het front de gewonde militairen afvoerden. De schrijfster gaf de daarmee gepaard gaande verruwing nogal expliciet weer.
\r\n\r\nEdith las tezelfdertijd Heeren, knechten en vrouwen van Jo van Ammers-Küller. Anne wilde dit ook lezen, maar dat mocht zij niet.[7] Toen Anne Marianne Philips’ Henri van den overkant heeft gelezen, kreeg ze negatief commentaar van Pfeffer en mevrouw Van Pels.[8] In maart 1944 schrijft Anne in haar dagboek dat ze het vervelend vindt dat er toezicht op haar lectuur was, terwijl ze eraan toevoegt dat ze eigenlijk bijna alles mag lezen.[9] Als ze schrijft blij te zijn dat ze wat meer 'volwassenenboeken' mocht lezen, en dat eind oktober ’42 dateert, is dat in de B-versie en daardoor dus in werkelijkheid veel later geschreven.[10]
\r\n\r\nAnne las met veel enthousiasme de verschillende delen van Joop ter Heul, en zelfs vier keer Een zomerzotheid.[11] Bij de boeken die Kleiman meebracht zat ook Van Marxveldts De louteringskuur.[12] Op de figuren uit de Joop ter Heul-reeks baseerde ze haar eigen Jopopinoloukicoclub. In haar eerste dagboek (de A-versie) richtte ze haar brieven aan Pop, Conny, Marianne, Kitty en anderen. Na verloop van tijd bleef Kitty over.
\r\n\r\nKleiman bracht Het boek voor de jeugd voor Anne mee. Ook andere jeugdboeken, zoals Else’s baantjes en Riek, de kwajongen leende hij uit aan de onderduikers. Deze waren van zijn dochter, en hij nam ze mee onder het voorwendsel dat hij ze aan Beps zusjes uitleende.[13] Anne wilde ook graag Kees de jongen van Theo Thijssen lezen, maar onduidelijk is of dat ook gebeurde.[14]
\r\n\r\nZowel Otto Frank als Anne waren geïnteresseerd in mythologische en geschiedkundige onderwerpen. Otto was gymnasiast geweest en in 1908 volgde hij een zomersemester kunstgeschiedenis aan de universiteit van Heidelberg, waar hij in onder meer die vakken onderricht kreeg.[15] Edith doorliep in Aken ook het gymnasium. Zij beschikte over diverse filosofisch en religieus georiënteerde boeken, die voor een deel ook meegingen naar het Achterhuis. Voor een deel behoren deze tot de museale collectie van de Anne Frank Stichting.
\r\n\r\nAnne was niet te spreken over de wijze waarop haar moeder aandrong op het lezen van een gebedboek, maar voor de vorm las ze wat gebeden 'in ’t Duits'.[16] Anne las liever over film en filmsterren. Victor Kugler bracht daarom regelmatig het blad Cinema & Theater voor haar mee.[17] In haar dagboek en in het verhaaltje ‘De Poel des Verderfs’ refereerde ze aan wat ze daarin las.[18]
\r\n\r\nIn mei 1944 was Palestina op de tweesprong van de Hongaarse journalist László Faragó in het Achterhuis aanwezig, en Anne ging het ook lezen.[19] Rond dezelfde tijd schrijft ze dat haar zuster Margot kraamverpleegster in Palestina wilde worden.[20] Het is aannemelijk dat dit idee ontstond door het lezen van dit boek, waarin de kinderopvang in Palestina door geschoolde verpleegsters verschillende keren aan de orde komt.[21]
\r\n\r\nVoor haar laatste verjaardag, 12 juni 1944, kreeg Anne van Kugler een biografie van Maria Theresia, door Zdenko von Kraft. Tot de cadeaus behoorde ook de vijfdelige kunstgeschiedenisreeks van Anton Springer, die al in het Achterhuis aanwezig was.[22]
\r\n\r\nVan de Achterhuisbewoners was Edith Frank volgens Anne degene met de meeste literaire bagage.[23] Anderen lazen eveneens bekende literatuur. Anne schrijft enkele keren over haar vader die Dickens las, overigens zonder titels te vermelden.[24] Hij gebruikte het om Engels te leren, dus hij las het in de oorspronkelijke taal.[25] In de museale collectie van de Anne Frank Stichting bevindt zich een exemplaar van Sketches by Boz die van Otto Frank afkomstig is.[26] Pfeffer las Henri van den overkant van Marianne Philips, en was daar lovend over; Anne was minder enthousiast.[27] In april ’44 schreef ze een onbekend stuk van Carry van Bruggen over.[28]
\r\n\r\nEerder dat jaar lazen de onderduikers Ochtend zonder wolken, het eerste deel van de trilogie De geschiedenis van Robin Stuart door de Australische schrijver Eric Lowe.[29] De Nederlandse vertaling van deze trilogie, oorspronkelijk verschenen als eendelige roman onder de titel Salute to freedom, was van de befaamde auteur Simon Vestdijk. Anne nam een passage uit het tweede deel, Terugkeer van een held, op in haar Mooie-zinnenboek. Gezien dit citatenboek las ze tevens werk van, onder anderen, Multatuli, Justus van Maurik, Shakespeare en Jacob van Maerlant.[30] Met haar vader las ze verder werk van de Duitse dichter en toneelschrijver Theodor Körner, en hij wil dat ze ook werk van de Duitse toneelschrijver Friedrich Hebbel ging lezen.[31]
\r\n\r\nTrilogieën waren in het Achterhuis geliefd: naast de de hierboven genoemde trilogie van de Helen Zenna Smith en boeken over Robin Stuart, vermeldt Anne Het geslacht Bjørndal van de Noorse schrijver Trygve Gulbranssen en Hongaarsche rhapsodie, de roman-trilogie over het leven van componist en pianist Franz Liszt door de Hongaarse schrijver Zsolt Harsányi, Van diezelfde auteur las Anne geromantiseerde biografieën over schilder Peter Paul Rubens en natuurkundige Galileio Galilei. Uit het Mooie-zinnenboek blijkt dat ze ook tenminste een deel van Sigrid Undsets Kristin Lavransdochter-trilogie las. Ze citeert althans een passage uit het deel met de titel Vrouw.[30]
\r\n\r\nIn het Achterhuis werden kranten gelezen. Anne schrijft eind 1942 onder meer over een krantenbericht naar aanleiding van de executie van gijzelaars.[32] In februari 1944 weet ze te melden dat alle kranten speculeren over een ophanden zijnde invasie.[33] Welke dagbladen er voorhanden waren is niet precies bekend, maar Anne citeerde twee humoristische versjes van Clinge Doorenbos, een journalist die in De Telegraaf schreef.[34] Diverse andere dagboeknotities verraden eveneens de aanwezigheid van deze krant. Verder noteert Anne op 26 oktober 1942 dat Kugler twaalf Panorama's langsbracht: 'nu hebben we weer wat te lezen.'[35] Kugler bracht in ieder geval begin 1944 nog iedere week Cinema & Theater, de Haagsche Post en af en toe Das Reich mee.[36] Enkele notities tonen aan dat ze Cinema & Theater en de Haagsche Post ook werkelijk las.[18]
\r\n\r\nUit verschillende notities is ook op te maken dat de onderduikers clandestiene bladen lazen, of er althans kennis van namen. Anne nam een bewering uit ‘betrouwbare bron’ over dat er ergens in Nederland een voetbalwedstrijd tussen onderduikers en marechaussees werd gehouden.[37] Verder refereerde Anne aan Vrij Nederland.[38]
\r\n\r\nVoor zover valt te overzien was het echtpaar Van Pels onder de volwassenen het minst bezig met lezen. Wel las mevrouw Henri van den overkant, want dat besprak ze met Pfeffer en Anne. De meeste gegevens over het leesgedrag van de Van Pelsen zijn afkomstig uit Annes dagboek, waardoor de kans bestaat dat het beeld vertekend is.
\r\n\r\nOne of the pastimes on which the people in the Secret Annex spent their time was reading. There was initially a clear distinction between the adults and the children; several books were considered unsuitable for the young. Attitudes changed and the children grew up, as a result of which this naturally became less of a problem. Furthermore, the selection of books for children was closely linked to the aim of preventing the children falling behind at school. Specific issues around the learning theme were addressed in more detail with this. The reading material consisted of books brought to the Secret Annex by the people in hiding and books provided by the helpers. Johannes Kleiman brought books belonging to him and his daughter.[1] Jan Gies regularly took books from the C.O.M.O. reading library of his friend and former colleague Jacob Licht.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe first entries in the diary about books are from 14 June 1942 and therefore predate the hiding period. Anne writes about the books she received for her birthday. These included the two volumes of Nederlandsche Sagen en Legenden ('Dutch Sagas and Legends') by Josef Cohen. She gave volume 1 to a neighbour girl before she went into hiding, who gave it to the Anne Frank House seventy years later. This reunited the two volumes for the first time since 1942. Over time, Anne's reading gradually became more mature.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn September '42, Kleiman brought a book that sparked a minor controversy in the Secret Annex. It was a book 'from the previous war ' and because, according to Anne, it was 'very freely written' , Peter and Margot were not allowed to read the trilogy in question.[4] According to Anne, the book's theme was a 'women's topic '.[5] According to the characteristics that Anne noted - a book from the time of the First World War, with a women's subject, 'freely written ' - and moreover a trilogy published in one volume before September 1942, there is only one book that this could have been, namely Gij Vrouwen..!, Vrouwen in nood and Vrouwenroeping by Australian-British writer Helen Zenna Smith,[6] which had been published by De Arbeiderspers in 1938. These books - Dutch translations of Not so quiet: stepdaughters of war (1930), Women of the aftermath (1932) and Shadow women (1932) - told the story of some English girls of good character who were ambulance drivers behind the front carrying off wounded soldiers. The author depicted the accompanying coarsening rather explicitly.
\r\n\r\nAt the same time, Edith was reading Heeren, knechten en vrouwen (The House of Tavelinck) by Jo van Ammers-Küller. Anne wanted to read this too, but she was not allowed to.[7] When Anne read Marianne Philips' Henri van den overkant (Henri from the Other Side), she received negative comments from Pfeffer and Mrs Van Pels.[8] In March '44, Anne wrote in her diary that she was annoyed that her reading was supervised, while adding that she was actually allowed to read almost anything.[9] She writes that she is happy to be allowed to read some more 'mature books', and gives this statement the date of late October '42. But as this is in the B version, it was therefore actually written much later.[10]
\r\n\r\nAnne enthusiastically read the various volumes of Joop ter Heul, and even read Een zomerzotheid (A Summer Folly) four times.[11] The books Kleiman brought along included Van Marxveldt's De louteringskuur (The Purification Cure).[12] She based her own Jopopinoloukico club on the characters from the Joop ter Heul series. In her first diary (the A-version), she addressed her letters to Pop, Conny, Marianne, Kitty and others. Over time, Kitty remained.
\r\n\r\nKleiman brought Het boek voor de jeugd (The Book for Young People) for Anne. He also lent other children's books, such as Else’s baantjes (Else's jobs) and Riek, de kwajongen (Riek, the tomboy), to the people in the Secret Annex. These belonged to his daughter, and he took them on the pretext of lending them to Bep's sisters.[13] Anne also wanted to read Kees de jongen (Young Kees) by Theo Thijssen, but it is unclear whether this happened.[14]
\r\n\r\nBoth Otto Frank and Anne were interested in mythological and historical subjects. Otto had been a grammar school student and in 1908 he attended a summer semester of art history at Heidelberg University, where he was taught in those subjects, among others.[15] Edith also attended grammar school in Aachen. She possessed several philosophically and religiously oriented books, some of which also went with her to the Secret Annex. Some of these belong to the museum collection of the Anne Frank House.
\r\n\r\nAnne did not like the way her mother insisted on reading a prayer book, but for form she read some prayers 'in German'.[16] Anne preferred reading about films and movie stars. Victor Kugler therefore regularly brought the magazine Cinema & Theater for her.[17] She referred to what she read in it in her diary and in the little story 'The Pool of Decay'.[18]
\r\n\r\nIn May 1944, Palestina op de tweesprong (Palestine at the Crossroads) by Hungarian journalist László Faragó was present in the Secret Annex, and Anne started reading it too.[19] Around the same time, she wrote that her sister Margot wanted to become a maternity nurse in Palestine.[20] It is plausible that this idea arose from reading this book, which discusses childcare in Palestine by trained nurses several times.[21]
\r\n\r\nFor her last birthday, 12 June 1944, Kugler gave Anne a biography of Maria Theresia, by Zdenko von Kraft. Gifts also included Anton Springer's five-volume art history series, which was already present in the Secret Annex.[22]
\r\n\r\nOf the inhabitants of the Secret Annex, Edith Frank was the one with the most literary baggage, according to Anne.[23] Others also read well-known literature. Anne wrote several times about her father reading Dickens, without mentioning any titles.[24] He used it to learn English, so he read it in the original language. [25] In the museum collection of the Anne Frank House, there is a copy of Sketches by Boz that came from Otto Frank.[26] Pfeffer read Henri van den overkant (Henri from the other side) by Marianne Philips, and praised it; Anne was less enthusiastic.[27] In April 1944, she transcribed an unknown play by Carry van Bruggen.[28]
\r\n\r\nEarlier that year, the inhabitants of the Secret Annex read Ochtend zonder wolken (Morning without clouds), the first part of the trilogy De geschiedenis van Robin Stuart (The history of Robin Stuart) by Australian writer Eric Lowe.[29] The Dutch translation of this trilogy, originally published as a one-volume novel, entitled Salute to freedom, was by renowned Dutch author Simon Vestdijk. Anne included a passage from the second part, De terugkeer van de held (Return of a hero), in her Favourite Quotes Notebook. Given this book of quotations, she also read works by Multatuli, Justus van Maurik, Shakespeare and Jacob van Maerlant.[30] With her father, she continued to read works by the German poet and playwright Theodor Körner, and he wanted her to read works by German playwright Friedrich Hebbel as well.[31]
\r\n\r\nTrilogies were popular in the Secret Annex: besides Helen Zenna Smith's trilogy mentioned above and the books about Robin Stuart, Anne mentions the Bjørndal-trilogy by Norwegian writer Trygve Gulbranssen and Hongaarsche rhapsodie (Hungarian melody), the trilogy about the life of composer and pianist Franz Liszt by Hungarian writer Zsolt Harsányi. From this same author Anne read romanticized biographies of painter Peter Paul Rubens and physicist Galileo Galilei. The Favourite Quotes Notebook shows that she also read at least one part of Sigrid Undset's Kristin Lavransdatter-trilogy. She quotes a passage from the part entitled The wife, in any event, which indicates that she read it.[30]
\r\n\r\nNewspapers were read in the Secret Annex. Anne writes in late 1942 about a newspaper report following the execution of hostages.[32] In February 1944, she reports that all the newspapers were speculating about an imminent invasion.[33] Exactly which newspapers were available is not known, but Anne quoted two humorous rhymes by Clinge Doorenbos, a reporter writing in De Telegraaf .[34] Several other diary entries also indicate the presence of this newspaper. Anne also notes on 26 October 1942 that Kugler brought them twelve issues of Panorama: 'now we have something to read again'.[35] At least in early 1944, Kugler still brought Cinema & Theater, the Haagsche Post and occasionally Das Reich every week.[36] Some notes show that she actually read Cinema & Theater and the Haagsche Post .[18]
\r\n\r\nSeveral notes also reveal that the people in hiding read clandestine magazines, or at least took note of them. Anne copied an allegation from a 'reliable source' that there had been a football match between people in hiding and military police somewhere in the Netherlands.[37] Anne also made references to Vrij Nederland.[38]
\r\n\r\nAs far as can be seen, among the adults, Mr and Mrs Van Pels were the least engaged in reading. Mrs Van Pels did read Henri van den overkant, as she discussed this with Pfeffer and Anne. Most of the information on the reading behaviour of Mr and Mrs Van Pels comes from Anne's diary, so there is a chance that the picture is distorted.
\r\n\r\nFear of discovery is a recurring theme in Anne Frank's diary entries. The eight people in the Secret Annex lived secluded from the outside world. There were 'hiding rules' to prevent unwitting staff and visitors such as customers and suppliers from noticing their presence. For example, there were strict agreements on the use of water - as noise from the pipes was audible - and flushing the toilet during the presence of outsiders. 'So we had to be as quiet as mice', Anne wrote on 30 September 1942 in response to such a situation.[1] All good intentions notwithstanding, daily life repeatedly showed that this rule was rather hard to maintain.
\r\n\r\nThe first diary, in the well-known 'red-checkered' book, describes the early period in the Secret Annex. Naturally, because everything was new and unknown in that period, Anne's anxiety was high. Both the people in hiding and the helpers had to get used to the new situation. After a few weeks, Kugler decided that access to the Secret Annex should be hidden behind a cupboard.[2] Everyone paid close attention to the arrangements made: when Arthur Lewinsohn came to do experiments in the office kitchen with Victor Kugler, the days when the maid, the plumber or representatives Hendrik Daatzelaar and Johan Broks visited, everyone was quiet and cautious.[3] According to Anne, they then took large jars and chamber pots to the loft because of not being able to use the toilet.[4] Consequently, the unexpected presence of a carpenter once led to consternation behind the bookcase.[5]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were completely dependent on the helpers for their care. Anne therefore worried about their welfare. She feared that the helpers were at risk of having to go into hiding themselves.[6] In March '44, difficulties piled up. Bep, Miep and Kleiman were all suffering from illness, and compulsory work was imminent for Kugler. To limit the risks, the warehouse remained closed the next day. Only Bep would be in the office if her condition allowed.[7] In the end, things didn't turn out so bad; Bep's cold did not persist and Kugler managed to get a certificate that saved him from compulsory work.[8] It shows how far dependency went, and how precarious the situation became if something did indeed happen to the helpers.
\r\n\r\nFor the first eight to nine months of hiding, there was no major threat from the warehouse. Bep's father Johan Voskuijl was the manager there, and he was fully aware of the situation. When a serious illness forced him to leave his job, the outsider Willem van Maaren was sent by the Labour Exchange around March '43.[9] As a result, the people in the Secret Annex could no longer dispose of their waste through the warehouse, and had to burn it in the stoves.[10] This in turn led to fears that local residents would see the chimney smoking at odd hours.[11] The people in hiding and the helpers were not happy with the new situation.[12] For Anne and the others, Van Maaren became a persistent source of worry. They flushed the toilet sparingly during office hours to avoid him noticing anything.[13] When Anne suspected him of involvement in thefts in the premises, she refers to him as having "a shady past".[14] Van Maaren had several employees in the warehouse over time. Almost none of their names were known, and Anne referred to them as the 'warehousemen'. Only J.J. De Kok was named by her,[15] although her father later said he never knew his name.[16]
\r\n\r\nThe period in the Secret Annex was unusual in that the eight people in hiding were - and remained - in one place. Many others moved from address to address, not infrequently also provided with pseudonyms and accompanying identity cards.[17] Such mobility obviously entailed additional risks. However, staying at one address in the middle of a busy city did too. Business premises in Amsterdam's city centre exerted a strong attraction on criminals. Break-ins and thefts were also commonplace during the occupation. The Opekta premises were no exception. On one such occasion, Hermann van Pels almost stumbled into a burglar.[18] In another instance, 'the gentlemen' chased away a pair of burglars who tried to enter through a kicked-in panel on the street door.[19] Night watchman Martinus Slegers discovered the hole and alerted a policeman, who then inspected the premises.[20] Although this situation worked out alright in the end, it was very frightening for the people in hiding. What was also worrying was that those intruders would naturally have noticed that people were hiding in the premises. But then again, occupation of such premises was not so unusual at this time that they would immediately have drawn the conclusion that these were people in hiding.
\r\n\r\nDespite the principle that caution and safety were paramount, things still went wrong from time to time. Already in the first weeks of hiding, Anne writes about an argument between the Van Pels couple during which "'Mr v.P. yelled so much that they must surely have been able to hear him houses away".[21] And during a meal in March '44, there was a knock on the wall in a neighbouring building. This unexpected proximity of a stranger naturally caused nervousness and fear.[22] The people in the Secret Annex also used knock signals among themselves. Hermann van Pels used this to signal in the morning that Anne's porridge was ready at the top of the stairs,[23] while three knocks in the evening was also the signal for 'dinner time'.[24]
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex went downstairs after office hours.[24] They did laundry in the office kitchen at that time.[25] Pfeffer sometimes sat at Kugler's desk,[26] as did Anne.[6] Anne also sometimes went with Margot to the front office.[27] In the private office, they all listened to the radio - until it had to be handed in[28] . One of the consequences of this use of the offices was that, as shown above, burglars or other intruders could have noticed the presence of people in the building. A tightening of procedures followed after 9 April 1944, therefore, with the result that life again became lived much more behind the bookcase. However, when Broks brought in a large batch of strawberries in the summer, the cleaning and racking of these was accompanied by such excitement and noise that Anne wondered, 'Yes but are we really in hiding?' Later that day, when the accountant was in the building, no-one was allowed to run any water.[29] In the spring of 1944, Peter chopped wood in the loft during lunch breaks.[30] By then the warehouse staff had left the building, but the possible presence of the neighbours was apparently no reason not to proceed.
\r\n\r\nUltimately, it is still unknown how the fatal information about the people in hiding in the Secret Annex got to the Sicherheitsdienst. It is therefore impossible to say how effective the precautions were, and whether indiscretions may have influenced the outcome.
\r\n\r\nAngst voor ontdekking is een steeds terugkerend thema in de dagboeknotities van Anne Frank. De acht onderduikers leefden afgezonderd van de buitenwereld. Er waren ‘schuilregels’ om te voorkomen dat onwetende personeelsleden en bezoekers zoals klanten en leveranciers hun aanwezigheid opmerkten. Zo waren er strikte afspraken over het gebruik van water – het geruis van de leidingen was immers hoorbaar – en het doorspoelen van het toilet tijdens de aanwezigheid van buitenstaanders. 'We moesten dus zo stil als muisjes zijn', schrijft Anne op 30 september 1942 naar aanleiding van zo’n situatie.[1] Alle goede voornemens ten spijt toonde het dagelijks leven herhaaldelijk aan dat de praktijk toch weerbarstiger was.
\r\n\r\nIn het eerste dagboek, het welbekende ‘rood-geruite’, is de beginperiode in het Achterhuis beschreven. Uiteraard was vanwege het nieuwe en onbekende in die periode Annes angst groot. Zowel onderduikers als helpers moesten wennen aan de nieuwe situatie. Na enkele weken besloot Kugler dat de toegang tot het Achterhuis achter een kast verborgen moest worden.[2] Iedereen lette scherp op de gemaakte afspraken: toen Arthur Lewinsohn kwam om met Victor Kugler proefnemingen te doen in de kantoorkeuken, de dagen dat de werkster, de loodgieter of de vertegenwoordigers Hendrik Daatzelaar en Johan Broks kwamen, was iedereen stil en voorzichtig.[3] Volgens Anne namen ze toen vanwege het niet kunnen gebruiken van het toilet weckflessen en po’s mee naar de vliering.[4] De onverwachte aanwezigheid van een timmerman leidde dan ook op een keer tot consternatie achter de boekenkast.[5]
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers waren voor hun verzorging volledig afhankelijk van de helpers. Anne maakte zich dan ook zorgen over hun welzijn. Ze vreesde dat de helpers de kans liepen zelf te moeten onderduiken.[6] In maart ’44 stapelden de moeilijkheden zich op. Bep, Miep en Kleiman hadden alle drie met ziekte te kampen, en voor Kugler dreigde tewerkstelling. Om de risico’s te beperken, bleef het magazijn de volgende dag gesloten. Alleen Bep zou op kantoor zijn als haar toestand dat toeliet.[7] Uiteindelijk viet het allemaal nog mee; Beps verkoudheid zette niet door en Kugler wist een attest te bemachtigen dat hem voor verplicht werk behoedde.[8] Er blijkt uit hoe ver de afhankelijkheid ging, en hoe precair de situatie werd als er inderdaad iets met de helpers zou gebeuren.
\r\n\r\nDe eerste acht à negen maanden van de onderduik ging er van het magazijn geen grote dreiging uit. Beps vader Johan Voskuijl was daar chef, en hij was volledig op de hoogte. Toen hij door een ernstige ziekte zijn werk moest neerleggen, kwam rond maart ’43 via de Arbeidsbeurs de buitenstaander Willem van Maaren.[9] Daardoor konden de onderduikers hun afval niet meer via het magazijn wegsluizen, en moesten ze het in de kachels verbranden.[10] Daar kwam weer de angst uit voort dat omwonenden de schoorsteen op vreemde tijden zagen roken.[11] Onderduikers en helpers waren niet gelukkig met de nieuwe situatie.[12] Voor Anne en de anderen werd Van Maaren een aanhoudende bron van angst. Ze spoelden het toilet tijdens kantooruren spaarzaam door om te voorkomen dat hij iets zou opmerken.[13] Als Anne hem verdenkt van betrokkenheid bij diefstallen in het pand omschrijft ze hem als 'dat verlopen sujet'.[14] Van Maaren kreeg in de loop van de tijd in het magazijn verschillende medewerkers. Van hen waren vrijwel geen namen bekend, en Anne duidde ze aan als de ‘magazijnmannen’. Alleen J.J. de Kok wordt door haar met name genoemd,[15] hoewel haar vader later verklaarde zijn naam nooit te hebben geweten.[16]
\r\n\r\nOngebruikelijk aan de onderduik in het Achterhuis is het gegeven dat de acht onderduikers op één plaats zaten – en bleven. Vele anderen trokken van adres naar adres, niet zelden ook voorzien van schuilnamen en bijbehorende persoonsbewijzen.[17] Die mobiliteit bracht uiteraard extra risico’s met zich mee. Verblijf op één adres midden in een drukke stad deeddat echter ook. Bedrijfspanden in de Amsterdamse binnenstad oefenden een grote aantrekkingskracht uit op criminelen. Inbraken en diefstallen waren ook tijdens de bezetting aan de orde van de dag. Het Opekta-pand ontkwam hier dan ook niet aan.. Bij een van die gelegenheden overliep Hermann van Pels bijna een insluiper.[18] In een ander geval verjoegen ‘de heren’ een paar inbrekers die door een ingetrapte vulling van de straatdeur trachtten binnen te komen.[19] De nachtwaker Martinus Slegers ontdekte het gat en waarschuwde een agent, die vervolgens het pand inspecteerde.[20] Voor de onderduikers was deze situatie, hoewel het met een sisser afliep, zeer beangstigend. Zorgelijk was ook dat die indringers natuurlijk opmerkten dat er zich mensen in het pand ophielden. Bewoning van dergelijke panden was in deze tijd echter ook weer niet zo ongewoon dat zij direct tot de gevolgtrekking moesten komen dat het hier om onderduikers ging.
\r\n\r\nOndanks het principiële uitgangspunt dat voorzichtigheid en veiligheid voorop stonden, ging het nog wel eens mis. Al in de eerste weken van het onderduiken schrijft Anne over een ruzie tussen het echtpaar Van Pels waarbij 'mijnheer zo ontzettend geschreeuwd heeft, dat men het zeker huizenver kon horen.'[21] En tijdens een maaltijd in maart ’44 werd er in een naburig pand op de muur geklopt. Deze onverwachte nabijheid van een onbekende veroorzaakte uiteraard nervositeit en angst.[22] De onderduikers gebruikten onderling ook klopsignalen. Hermann van Pels gaf hier ’s morgens mee te kennen dat Annes pap boven aan de trap klaarstond,[23] terwijl drie keer kloppen ook ’s avonds het signaal voor ‘etenstijd’ was.[24]
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers gingen na kantooruren naar beneden.[24] Dan deden ze de was in de kantoorkeuken.[25] Pfeffer zat soms aan Kuglers bureau,[26] net als Anne.[6] Anne ging met Margot ook wel naar het voorkantoor.[27] In het privékantoor luisterden allen - tot de gedwongen inlevering[28] - naar de radio. Een van de gevolgen van dit gebruik van de kantoorruimtes was dat, zoals hiervoor bleek, inbrekers of insluipers de aanwezigheid van mensen in pand opmerkten. Na 9 april 1944 volgde dan ook een aanscherping, met als gevolg dat het leven zich weer veel meer achter de boekenkast ging afspelen. Toen Broks in de zomer echter een grote partij aardbeien aanvoerde, ging het schoonmaken en wecken hiervan met zoveel opwinding en rumoer gepaard dat Anne zich afvroeg: 'Ja maar, schuilen we nog heus?' Toen later op de dag de accountant in huis was mocht er geen water meer lopen.[29] In het voorjaar van 1944 hakte Peter tijdens de middagpauze op de vliering hout.[30] Toen was het magazijnpersoneel de deur uit, maar mogelijke aanwezigheid van de buren was kennelijk geen bezwaar.
\r\n\r\nUiteindelijk is het nog altijd onbekend hoe de fatale informatie over de onderduikers in het Achterhuis bij de Sicherheitsdienst is terechtgekomen. Daarom is dan ook niet te zeggen hoe effectief de voorzorgen waren, en of de indiscreties wellicht op de afloop van invloed zijn geweest.
\r\n\r\nFear of discovery is a recurring theme in Anne Frank's diary entries. The eight people in the Secret Annex lived secluded from the outside world. There were 'hiding rules' to prevent unwitting staff and visitors such as customers and suppliers from noticing their presence. For example, there were strict agreements on the use of water - as noise from the pipes was audible - and flushing the toilet during the presence of outsiders. 'So we had to be as quiet as mice', Anne wrote on 30 September 1942 in response to such a situation.[1] All good intentions notwithstanding, daily life repeatedly showed that this rule was rather hard to maintain.
\r\n\r\nThe first diary, in the well-known 'red-checkered' book, describes the early period in the Secret Annex. Naturally, because everything was new and unknown in that period, Anne's anxiety was high. Both the people in hiding and the helpers had to get used to the new situation. After a few weeks, Kugler decided that access to the Secret Annex should be hidden behind a cupboard.[2] Everyone paid close attention to the arrangements made: when Arthur Lewinsohn came to do experiments in the office kitchen with Victor Kugler, the days when the maid, the plumber or representatives Hendrik Daatzelaar and Johan Broks visited, everyone was quiet and cautious.[3] According to Anne, they then took large jars and chamber pots to the loft because of not being able to use the toilet.[4] Consequently, the unexpected presence of a carpenter once led to consternation behind the bookcase.[5]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were completely dependent on the helpers for their care. Anne therefore worried about their welfare. She feared that the helpers were at risk of having to go into hiding themselves.[6] In March '44, difficulties piled up. Bep, Miep and Kleiman were all suffering from illness, and compulsory work was imminent for Kugler. To limit the risks, the warehouse remained closed the next day. Only Bep would be in the office if her condition allowed.[7] In the end, things didn't turn out so bad; Bep's cold did not persist and Kugler managed to get a certificate that saved him from compulsory work.[8] It shows how far dependency went, and how precarious the situation became if something did indeed happen to the helpers.
\r\n\r\nFor the first eight to nine months of hiding, there was no major threat from the warehouse. Bep's father Johan Voskuijl was the manager there, and he was fully aware of the situation. When a serious illness forced him to leave his job, the outsider Willem van Maaren was sent by the Labour Exchange around March '43.[9] As a result, the people in the Secret Annex could no longer dispose of their waste through the warehouse, and had to burn it in the stoves.[10] This in turn led to fears that local residents would see the chimney smoking at odd hours.[11] The people in hiding and the helpers were not happy with the new situation.[12] For Anne and the others, Van Maaren became a persistent source of worry. They flushed the toilet sparingly during office hours to avoid him noticing anything.[13] When Anne suspected him of involvement in thefts in the premises, she refers to him as having "a shady past".[14] Van Maaren had several employees in the warehouse over time. Almost none of their names were known, and Anne referred to them as the 'warehousemen'. Only J.J. De Kok was named by her,[15] although her father later said he never knew his name.[16]
\r\n\r\nThe period in the Secret Annex was unusual in that the eight people in hiding were - and remained - in one place. Many others moved from address to address, not infrequently also provided with pseudonyms and accompanying identity cards.[17] Such mobility obviously entailed additional risks. However, staying at one address in the middle of a busy city did too. Business premises in Amsterdam's city centre exerted a strong attraction on criminals. Break-ins and thefts were also commonplace during the occupation. The Opekta premises were no exception. On one such occasion, Hermann van Pels almost stumbled into a burglar.[18] In another instance, 'the gentlemen' chased away a pair of burglars who tried to enter through a kicked-in panel on the street door.[19] Night watchman Martinus Slegers discovered the hole and alerted a policeman, who then inspected the premises.[20] Although this situation worked out alright in the end, it was very frightening for the people in hiding. What was also worrying was that those intruders would naturally have noticed that people were hiding in the premises. But then again, occupation of such premises was not so unusual at this time that they would immediately have drawn the conclusion that these were people in hiding.
\r\n\r\nDespite the principle that caution and safety were paramount, things still went wrong from time to time. Already in the first weeks of hiding, Anne writes about an argument between the Van Pels couple during which "'Mr v.P. yelled so much that they must surely have been able to hear him houses away".[21] And during a meal in March '44, there was a knock on the wall in a neighbouring building. This unexpected proximity of a stranger naturally caused nervousness and fear.[22] The people in the Secret Annex also used knock signals among themselves. Hermann van Pels used this to signal in the morning that Anne's porridge was ready at the top of the stairs,[23] while three knocks in the evening was also the signal for 'dinner time'.[24]
\r\n\r\nThe people in the Secret Annex went downstairs after office hours.[24] They did laundry in the office kitchen at that time.[25] Pfeffer sometimes sat at Kugler's desk,[26] as did Anne.[6] Anne also sometimes went with Margot to the front office.[27] In the private office, they all listened to the radio - until it had to be handed in[28] . One of the consequences of this use of the offices was that, as shown above, burglars or other intruders could have noticed the presence of people in the building. A tightening of procedures followed after 9 April 1944, therefore, with the result that life again became lived much more behind the bookcase. However, when Broks brought in a large batch of strawberries in the summer, the cleaning and racking of these was accompanied by such excitement and noise that Anne wondered, 'Yes but are we really in hiding?' Later that day, when the accountant was in the building, no-one was allowed to run any water.[29] In the spring of 1944, Peter chopped wood in the loft during lunch breaks.[30] By then the warehouse staff had left the building, but the possible presence of the neighbours was apparently no reason not to proceed.
\r\n\r\nUltimately, it is still unknown how the fatal information about the people in hiding in the Secret Annex got to the Sicherheitsdienst. It is therefore impossible to say how effective the precautions were, and whether indiscretions may have influenced the outcome.
\r\n\r\nThe reason to go into hiding was usually to escape persecution of Jews, forced labour deployment, or because one was wanted for illegal activities.
","description_nl":"De reden om onder te duiken was meestal om te ontkomen aan de Jodenvervolging, de gedwongen Arbeidsinzet, of omdat men gezocht werd wegens illegale activiteiten.
","description_en":"The reason to go into hiding was usually to escape persecution of Jews, forced labour deployment, or because one was wanted for illegal activities.
","summary":"To go into hiding was to hide from the police or Germans, often for long periods of time.","summary_nl":"Onderduiken was het zich verbergen voor de politie of de Duitsers, vaak voor langere tijd.","summary_en":"To go into hiding was to hide from the police or Germans, often for long periods of time.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/2695"],"parent":396124656,"files":[]},{"id":396124663,"image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/onderwerpen/5f313320-29fb-4364-a148-5b9111f12e47/","published":true,"uuid":"5f313320-29fb-4364-a148-5b9111f12e47","name":"People hiding in the Secret Annex","name_nl":"Onderduikers in het Achterhuis","name_en":"People hiding in the Secret Annex","description":"","description_nl":"","description_en":"","summary":"The eight people in hiding in the Secret Annex on Amsterdam's Prinsengracht 263, namely Otto, Edith, Margot and Anne Frank, Hermann, Auguste and Peter van Pels, and Fritz Pfeffer.","summary_nl":"De acht onderduikers in het Achterhuis aan de Amsterdamse Prinsengracht 263, te weten Otto, Edith, Margot en Anne Frank, Hermann, Auguste en Peter van Pels, en Fritz Pfeffer.","summary_en":"The eight people in hiding in the Secret Annex on Amsterdam's Prinsengracht 263, namely Otto, Edith, Margot and Anne Frank, Hermann, Auguste and Peter van Pels, and Fritz Pfeffer.","same_as":null,"parent":396124657,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84898f4e-5c32-47d1-bff4-d377c343c5b2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1c89eab1-8089-49d1-a971-665cdcb30bab","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/17e62508-f7db-41ee-bf60-e7f87d4dd63c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0a959340-e4cb-42e9-b8b4-aff5238139bd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/83d54925-63d3-43a3-9f96-a9535224eb3d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6ef7b88e-bdae-4edb-8265-23201452f19b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6e7854d3-c834-44c4-9129-c742ff899d22","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/55395f0b-7bff-4dea-be7f-cc84d4d98b5f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fad53262-2f05-426a-8396-dbd3341f6a05","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/51209a6b-cf00-4fe8-8533-828555d56401","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c25c867c-3f5a-421c-8d82-0449472ddbed","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f2e450aa-840f-4dd8-84cf-548ce515e6d0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/3728c44f-9948-4763-84c3-ba87ac8da4b1","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/19fd3ff2-9edf-450d-8b63-bba458913e9f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2054627f-6925-41fd-8b01-e33624375780","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b2966565-8c8b-4a92-9275-8f665e6ddd56","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0ccf3db9-1774-4848-ad11-627e3fc64cea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/961336e6-c6bf-4984-816a-cb0696b20369"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/a699d98a-eab0-4e27-a4a1-f2c76df56892/","published":true,"name":"The Secret Annex | Prinsengracht 263","name_nl":"Achterhuis | Prinsengracht 263","name_en":"The Secret Annex | Prinsengracht 263","uuid":"a699d98a-eab0-4e27-a4a1-f2c76df56892","content":"They were here from 6 July 1942 until their discovery on 4 August 1944. It belonged to the office and warehouse-workshop of the firms Opekta, Pectacon and Gies & Co.
\r\nIn May 1960, this hiding place, along with the entire building and the building at Prinsengracht 265, was made accessible to the public as the museum 'The Anne Frank House'.
According to current views, the annex without a capital letter is the designation for the building part that was built in 1739 behind the front house dating from 1635. The building is a mishmash of rooms, corridors and stairs in which the uninitiated can quickly lose track. The capitalized 'Secret Annex' specifically refers to the top two floors, attic and loft of this building, and therefore refers to the actual hiding place. The Frank and Van Pels families stayed in the Secret Annex for about 25 months, Pfeffer for about 21. During that period they really did not go outside. The Secret Annex and to a lesser extent the rest of the building was the only living environment during that time. The shelter can be interpreted as two floors on which two families lived. However, one family had no bathroom, the other no kitchen. They were therefore even more dependent on each other than was already the case because of their shared fugitive state. The different parts of the house are present in all kinds of diary entries. This topic first covers the different rooms of the Secret Annex, the actual hiding place behind the bookcase, and then the rest of the building. In the other parts of the building, usual business operations continued as usual.
\r\n\r\nThe bookcase was placed in front of the entrance to the Secret Annex in August 1942, because Victor Kugler feared searches for hidden bicycles.[1] That was not a complete exaggeration: the requisition of bicycles by the Wehrmacht was then just beginning. Hauptdienstleiter Schmidt said about this in a speech: 'They [the reluctant Dutch] should not imagine that we do not know where they have those bicycles or how we can get our hands on them.' [2] Risks were carefully avoided, and camouflage of the entrance to the Secret Annex fit into this pattern. Since this placement, the bookcase was the boundary between the inner and outer world, both physically and psychologically.
\r\n\r\nDuring the period in hiding, Bep Voskuijl was once locked up in the Secret Annex together with the people in hiding. Because the bookcase was stuck, she couldn't leave. As a result, the people in hiding could not be warned in time for the workman who came to do something about the fire extinguisher in the hall.[3] This hall, the so-called 'intermediate section', had become a dead end when viewed from the front of the house due to the arrival of the bookcase. The door to the front house was locked and the glass on the inside was covered with a plate.[4] The entrance to the Secret Annex could only be reached via the so-called 'helper's stairs'. This means that no one could enter without being allowed in by the office staff.
\r\n\r\nBags of dried beans hung on the landing.[5] Behind the landing, to the left behind the stairs was the Frank family's room. This was the family's living room and the Franks' bedroom. There was a bookcase, a table, a stove and Otto and Edith Frank's beds. This meant that the rather small room (just over 15 m2) was quite full. On one wall, the family kept track of their daughters' growth. From D-Day onwards there was also a map on which they followed Allied progress with pins.
\r\n\r\nMargot and Anne shared the adjacent room (10 m2) until the arrival of Fritz Pfeffer in November 1942. Pfeffer was in fact a boarder of the Frank family. He took the place of Margot, who from now on slept on an accordion bed in her parents' room.[6] Anne had already pasted all kinds of pictures on the walls of the room for decoration.[7]
\r\n\r\nAdjacent to this room is the laundry room with toilet. This washing facility was for all people in hiding and therefore good logistics were needed: 'it all starts early in the morning, we get up at 7 and line up for the bathroom'[8] In the bathroom there was a washstand that was on the other side of the wall before going into hiding, and had been moved in view of the new function of the rooms. Because the facilities were shared by seven, later eight, people, resentment regularly arose about their use.[9]
\r\n\r\nThe steep staircase in the middle of this floor led to the Van Pels family room. This room (29 m2) was the living room of this family, bedroom of Hermann and Auguste van Pels and also a dining room for all.[10] There was a kitchen sink and a stove[11] Before going into hiding, the room served as a laboratory for Victor Kugler and Arthur Lewinsohn, who conducted experiments for the company Gies & Co. Because of thin walls, everyone withdrew to this room when there was danger, such as when outsiders visited[12] and after the burglary of 9 Apri 1944.[13]
\r\n\r\nNext to the Van Pels family room was Peter's room. He was the only one who had the luxury of his own room (8 m2). That room did contain the stairs to the attic, so anyone who had something to do there - fetching potatoes, hanging up laundry - came to see him.
\r\n\r\nThe children retreated to the attic (41 m2) and the loft (27 m2) to distance themselves from the adults and be among themselves. Particularly well-known are the romantic gatherings between Anne and Peter, during which they looked out of the dormer window at the rear..[14] Peter spent a lot of time in the attic; he withdrew here with the book he was not allowed to read.[15] The bags of beans from the landing later found a place here, and there was also a pantry made by Van Pels for other supplies. Furthermore, the potato barrels[16] were located in the attic and the laundry was hung to dry there.[17] In the loft above was Mouschi's litter box.[18] Peter did carpentry and chopped wood there.[19] The arched window overlooking the Westertoren was also located here.
\r\n\r\nThe private office, the office kitchen and the (large) toilet were located in the annex, but not in the Secret Annex. Regular work was required on the drain and water pipes, and the arrival of the plumber forced silence in the Secret Annex again. The people in hiding used the kitchen partly because it was equipped with a geyser and a small stove.[20] They proved useful for hot water and baths. Anne initially bathed in the office toilet, but later preferred the kitchen.[21] The radio was in the private office next door until the end of July 1943, where the people in hiding gathered for news reports but also for concert broadcasts.[22]
\r\n\r\nThe warehouse and offices of Kleiman and Kugler in the front house were available to the people in hiding after five and at weekends. The girls, Otto Frank, Hermann van Pels, Peter and Pfeffer, took advantage of this circumstance to do some work or to get away from the closet for a while.[23] For security reasons, Pfeffer had to give up his trips to Kugler's office. Edith Frank and Auguste van Pels - at least as far as Anne mentions - only came to the private office to listen to the radio and to the kitchen for the laundry. Anne occasionally went to the attic with Peter and Mouschi.[24] Peter also used the attic as a lookout post during an air raid on the Fokker factory.[25]
\r\n\r\nFor Anne, the building outside the bookcase was often a source of fear. She indicated that she found the dark house creepy. Early 1944, she consciously overcame her fear and went down the stairs alone, despite there being many planes in the sky.[26]
\r\n\r\nIn the business area, all the way down to the street, there were facilities that rarely played a role, but were vital: the energy meters. Nothing is known about the gas meter. But a power fuse blew out at least twice. The first time was before the more practical Van Pelsen arrived, leaving the Frank family in the dark until the next day.[27] The second time, 'the men' immediately solved the problem.[28]
\r\n\r\nThe Secret Annex as a refuge for eight people appeals to the imagination due to the familiarity of what happened there. As evidenced by the many visitors, the building has become an integral part of the history of hiding. Anne's diary can hardly be separated from the place where it was written.
\r\n\r\nZij zaten hier van 6 juli 1942 tot aan hun ontdekking op 4 augustus 1944. Het hoorde bij het kantoor en de magazijn-werkplaats van de firma's Opekta, Pectacon en Gies & Co.
\r\nIn mei 1960 werd deze onderduikplek, met het hele gebouw en het pand Prinsengracht 265 toegankelijk gemaakt voor het publiek als museum Het Anne Frank Huis.
Volgens de huidige opvattingen is het achterhuis zonder hoofdletter de aanduiding voor het bouwgedeelte dat in 1739 achter het uit 1635 daterende voorhuis is neergezet. Het pand is een allegaartje van kamers, gangen en trappen waarin een niet-ingewijde snel het spoor bijster raakt. Het Achterhuis met hoofdletter duidt specifiek de bovenste twee verdiepingen, zolder en vliering van dit gebouw aan, en verwijst dus naar de daadwerkelijke onderduikplek. De families Frank en Van Pels zaten zo’n 25 maanden in het Achterhuis, Pfeffer ongeveer 21. In die periode kwamen ze werkelijk niet buiten. Het Achterhuis en in mindere mate de rest van het gebouw was gedurende die tijd de enige leefomgeving. De schuilplaats is op te vatten als twee etages waarop twee gezinnen woonden. Het ene gezin had echter geen badkamer, het andere geen keuken. Ze waren daarom nog meer op elkaar aangewezen dan vanwege hun gedeelde voortvluchtigheid al het geval was. De verschillende delen van het huis zijn in allerlei dagboeknotities aanwezig. Dit onderwerp behandelt eerst de verschillende ruimtes van het Achterhuis, de feitelijke schuilplaats achter de boekenkast, en vervolgens de rest van het gebouw. In de andere delen van het gebouw ging de gebruikelijke bedrijfsvoering gewoon door.
\r\n\r\nDe boekenkast werd in augustus 1942 voor de ingang van het Achterhuis geplaatst, omdat Victor Kugler vreesde voor huiszoekingen naar verstopte fietsen.[1] Helemaal overdreven was dat niet: het vorderen van fietsen door de Wehrmacht was toen net begonnen. Hauptdienstleiter Schmidt zei daarover in een rede: 'Zij [de weigerachtige Nederlanders] moeten zich niet verbeelden, dat wij niet zouden weten waar zij die rijwielen hebben of hoe wij ze in handen kunnen krijgen.' [2] Risico’s werden zorgvuldig gemeden, en camouflage van de toegang tot het Achterhuis paste in dit patroon. Sinds deze plaatsing was de boekenkast zowel fysiek als psychologisch de grens tussen binnen- en buitenwereld.
\r\n\r\nTijdens de onderduikperiode was Bep Voskuijl een keer samen met de onderduikers opgesloten in het Achterhuis. Doordat de boekenkast klemde, kon ze niet weg. De onderduikers konden daardoor ook niet op tijd gewaarschuwd worden voor de werkman die iets aan het brandblusapparaat in het halletje kwam doen.[3] Dit halletje, het zogenaamde ‘tussenlid’, was door de komst van de boekenkast vanuit het voorhuis gezien een doodlopend slopje geworden. De deur naar het voorhuis was op slot en het glas was aan de binnenkant met een plaat afgedekt.[4] Alleen via de zogenaamde ‘helperstrap’ was de ingang van het Achterhuis te bereiken. Dat wil zeggen dat niemand er bij kon komen zonder door het kantoorpersoneel te zijn toegelaten.
\r\n\r\nOp de overloop hierachter hingen zakken met gedroogde bonen.[5] Na deze overloop was links achter de trap de kamer van de familie Frank. Dit was de huiskamer van het gezin en de slaapkamer van het echtpaar Frank. Er was een boekenkast, een tafel, een kachel en de bedden van Otto en Edith Frank. Daarmee was de vrij kleine kamer (iets meer dan 15 m2) behoorlijk gevuld. Op een van de wanden hield het gezin de groei van de dochters bij. Vanaf D-Day hing er ook een kaartje waarop ze met spelden de geallieerde vorderingen volgden.
\r\n\r\nMargot en Anne deelden het naastgelegen kamertje (10 m2) tot de komst van Fritz Pfeffer in november 1942. Pfeffer was in feite een kostganger van de familie Frank. Hij nam daar de plaats in van Margot, die voortaan op een harmonicabed bij haar ouders sliep.[6] Anne had op de wanden van het kamertje ter decoratie inmiddels allerlei plaatjes geplakt.[7]
\r\n\r\nAan dit kamertje grensde de wasruimte met toilet. Deze wasgelegenheid was voor alle onderduikers en daarom was er een goede logistiek nodig: '’s ochtends begint het al, we staan op en gaan alle 7 op een rijtje na elkaar naar de badkamer'[8] In de badkamer hing een wastafel die voor de onderduik aan de andere kant van de wand zat, en met het oog op de nieuwe functie van de kamers was verplaatst. Doordat de faciliteiten door zeven, later acht, personen werd gedeeld, ontstond over het gebruik geregeld wrevel.[9]
\r\n\r\nDe steile trap in het midden van deze verdieping leidde naar de kamer van de familie Van Pels. De kamer (29 m2) was de huiskamer van dit gezin, slaapkamer van Hermann en Auguste van Pels en tevens eetkamer voor allen.[10] Er was een aanrecht en een fornuis.[11] Voor de onderduik diende de kamer als laboratorium voor Victor Kugler en Arthur Lewinsohn, die proeven deden ten behoeve van de firma Gies & Co. Vanwege de gehorigheid trokken allen zich in deze kamer terug als er gevaar dreigde, zoals bij bezoek van buitenstaanders[12] en na de inbraak van 9 april 1944.[13]
\r\n\r\nNaast de kamer van de familie Van Pels was de kamer van Peter. Hij was de enige die de luxe van een eigen kamer (8 m2) had. In die kamer stond wel de trap naar zolder, dus iedereen die daar iets te doen had - aardappelen halen, was ophangen - kwam bij hem langs.
\r\n\r\nOp de zolder (41 m2) en de vliering (27 m2) trokken de kinderen zich terug, om afstand van de volwassenen te nemen en onder elkaar te zijn. Vooral bekend zijn de romantische samenkomsten tussen Anne en Peter, waarbij ze uit de dakkapel aan de achterzijde keken.[14] Peter zat veel op zolder; hij trok zich hier terug met het boek dat hij niet mocht lezen.[15] De zakken bonen van de overloop vonden hier later een plaats, en er was ook een door Van Pels gemaakte provisiekast voor andere voorraden. Verder stonden op zolder de aardappeltonnen[16] en hing de was er te drogen.[17] Op de vliering erboven stond de kattenbak van Mouschi.[18] Peter timmerde er en hakte er hout.[19] Ook het boograampje dat uitzag op de Westertoren bevond zich hier.
\r\n\r\nWel in het achterhuis maar niet in het Achterhuis bevonden zich het privékantoor, de kantoorkeuken en het (grote) toilet. Aan de afvoer- en waterleidingbuizen waren geregeld werkzaamheden nodig, waarbij de komst van de loodgieter weer tot stilte in het Achterhuis noodzaakte. De onderduikers gebruikten de keuken onder meer omdat die van een geiser en een klein komfoor was voorzien.[20] Voor warm water en baden bewezen die goede diensten. Anne baadde aanvankelijk in het kantoortoilet, maar verkoos later de keuken.[21] In het privékantoor ernaast stond tot eind juli ’43 de radio, waar de onderduikers zich verzamelden voor nieuwsberichten maar ook voor concertuitzendingen.[22]
\r\n\r\nHet magazijn en de kantoren van Kleiman en Kugler in het voorhuis waren na vijven en in het weekeinde voor de onderduikers beschikbaar. Die omstandigheid namen de meisjes, Otto Frank, Hermann van Pels, Peter en Pfeffer te baat om werk te verrichten of even ‘achter de kast’ vandaan te zijn.[23] Om veiligheidsredenen moest Pfeffer zijn uitstapjes naar het kantoor van Kugler opgeven. Edith Frank en Auguste van Pels kwamen – althans voor zover Anne vermeldt – alleen naar het privékantoor voor de radio en naar de keuken voor de was. Met Peter en Mouschi ging Anne een enkele keer naar de voorzolder.[24] Peter gebruikt de voorzolder verder als uitkijkpost tijdens een luchtaanval op de Fokkerfabriek.[25]
\r\n\r\nVoor Anne was het gebouw buiten de boekenkast vaak een bron van angst. Ze gaf er blijk van dat ze het donkere huis griezelig vond. Begin ’44 overwon ze welbewust haar angst en ging ondanks dat er veel vliegtuigen in de lucht waren alleen de trap af.[26]
\r\n\r\nIn het bedrijfsgedeelte, helemaal beneden bij de straat, zaten voorzieningen die zelden een rol speelden, maar wel van vitaal belang waren: de energiemeters. Over de gasmeter is niets bekend; wel dat minstens tweemaal een stroomzekering doorsloeg. De eerste keer was dat voordat de meer praktisch ingestelde Van Pelsen aanwezig waren, waardoor de familie Frank tot de volgende dag in het donker zat.[27] De tweede keer gingen ‘de heren’ het probleempje direct even oplossen.[28]
\r\n\r\nHet Achterhuis als schuilplaats voor acht personen spreekt door de bekendheid van wat zich daar heeft afgespeeld sterk tot de verbeelding. Zoals blijkt uit de vele bezoekers is het gebouw integraal onderdeel van de onderduikgeschiedenis geworden. Annes dagboek is nauwelijks nog los te zien van de plek waar het is geschreven.
\r\n\r\nThey were here from 6 July 1942 until their discovery on 4 August 1944. It belonged to the office and warehouse-workshop of the firms Opekta, Pectacon and Gies & Co.
\r\nIn May 1960, this hiding place, along with the entire building and the building at Prinsengracht 265, was made accessible to the public as the museum 'The Anne Frank House'.
According to current views, the annex without a capital letter is the designation for the building part that was built in 1739 behind the front house dating from 1635. The building is a mishmash of rooms, corridors and stairs in which the uninitiated can quickly lose track. The capitalized 'Secret Annex' specifically refers to the top two floors, attic and loft of this building, and therefore refers to the actual hiding place. The Frank and Van Pels families stayed in the Secret Annex for about 25 months, Pfeffer for about 21. During that period they really did not go outside. The Secret Annex and to a lesser extent the rest of the building was the only living environment during that time. The shelter can be interpreted as two floors on which two families lived. However, one family had no bathroom, the other no kitchen. They were therefore even more dependent on each other than was already the case because of their shared fugitive state. The different parts of the house are present in all kinds of diary entries. This topic first covers the different rooms of the Secret Annex, the actual hiding place behind the bookcase, and then the rest of the building. In the other parts of the building, usual business operations continued as usual.
\r\n\r\nThe bookcase was placed in front of the entrance to the Secret Annex in August 1942, because Victor Kugler feared searches for hidden bicycles.[1] That was not a complete exaggeration: the requisition of bicycles by the Wehrmacht was then just beginning. Hauptdienstleiter Schmidt said about this in a speech: 'They [the reluctant Dutch] should not imagine that we do not know where they have those bicycles or how we can get our hands on them.' [2] Risks were carefully avoided, and camouflage of the entrance to the Secret Annex fit into this pattern. Since this placement, the bookcase was the boundary between the inner and outer world, both physically and psychologically.
\r\n\r\nDuring the period in hiding, Bep Voskuijl was once locked up in the Secret Annex together with the people in hiding. Because the bookcase was stuck, she couldn't leave. As a result, the people in hiding could not be warned in time for the workman who came to do something about the fire extinguisher in the hall.[3] This hall, the so-called 'intermediate section', had become a dead end when viewed from the front of the house due to the arrival of the bookcase. The door to the front house was locked and the glass on the inside was covered with a plate.[4] The entrance to the Secret Annex could only be reached via the so-called 'helper's stairs'. This means that no one could enter without being allowed in by the office staff.
\r\n\r\nBags of dried beans hung on the landing.[5] Behind the landing, to the left behind the stairs was the Frank family's room. This was the family's living room and the Franks' bedroom. There was a bookcase, a table, a stove and Otto and Edith Frank's beds. This meant that the rather small room (just over 15 m2) was quite full. On one wall, the family kept track of their daughters' growth. From D-Day onwards there was also a map on which they followed Allied progress with pins.
\r\n\r\nMargot and Anne shared the adjacent room (10 m2) until the arrival of Fritz Pfeffer in November 1942. Pfeffer was in fact a boarder of the Frank family. He took the place of Margot, who from now on slept on an accordion bed in her parents' room.[6] Anne had already pasted all kinds of pictures on the walls of the room for decoration.[7]
\r\n\r\nAdjacent to this room is the laundry room with toilet. This washing facility was for all people in hiding and therefore good logistics were needed: 'it all starts early in the morning, we get up at 7 and line up for the bathroom'[8] In the bathroom there was a washstand that was on the other side of the wall before going into hiding, and had been moved in view of the new function of the rooms. Because the facilities were shared by seven, later eight, people, resentment regularly arose about their use.[9]
\r\n\r\nThe steep staircase in the middle of this floor led to the Van Pels family room. This room (29 m2) was the living room of this family, bedroom of Hermann and Auguste van Pels and also a dining room for all.[10] There was a kitchen sink and a stove[11] Before going into hiding, the room served as a laboratory for Victor Kugler and Arthur Lewinsohn, who conducted experiments for the company Gies & Co. Because of thin walls, everyone withdrew to this room when there was danger, such as when outsiders visited[12] and after the burglary of 9 Apri 1944.[13]
\r\n\r\nNext to the Van Pels family room was Peter's room. He was the only one who had the luxury of his own room (8 m2). That room did contain the stairs to the attic, so anyone who had something to do there - fetching potatoes, hanging up laundry - came to see him.
\r\n\r\nThe children retreated to the attic (41 m2) and the loft (27 m2) to distance themselves from the adults and be among themselves. Particularly well-known are the romantic gatherings between Anne and Peter, during which they looked out of the dormer window at the rear..[14] Peter spent a lot of time in the attic; he withdrew here with the book he was not allowed to read.[15] The bags of beans from the landing later found a place here, and there was also a pantry made by Van Pels for other supplies. Furthermore, the potato barrels[16] were located in the attic and the laundry was hung to dry there.[17] In the loft above was Mouschi's litter box.[18] Peter did carpentry and chopped wood there.[19] The arched window overlooking the Westertoren was also located here.
\r\n\r\nThe private office, the office kitchen and the (large) toilet were located in the annex, but not in the Secret Annex. Regular work was required on the drain and water pipes, and the arrival of the plumber forced silence in the Secret Annex again. The people in hiding used the kitchen partly because it was equipped with a geyser and a small stove.[20] They proved useful for hot water and baths. Anne initially bathed in the office toilet, but later preferred the kitchen.[21] The radio was in the private office next door until the end of July 1943, where the people in hiding gathered for news reports but also for concert broadcasts.[22]
\r\n\r\nThe warehouse and offices of Kleiman and Kugler in the front house were available to the people in hiding after five and at weekends. The girls, Otto Frank, Hermann van Pels, Peter and Pfeffer, took advantage of this circumstance to do some work or to get away from the closet for a while.[23] For security reasons, Pfeffer had to give up his trips to Kugler's office. Edith Frank and Auguste van Pels - at least as far as Anne mentions - only came to the private office to listen to the radio and to the kitchen for the laundry. Anne occasionally went to the attic with Peter and Mouschi.[24] Peter also used the attic as a lookout post during an air raid on the Fokker factory.[25]
\r\n\r\nFor Anne, the building outside the bookcase was often a source of fear. She indicated that she found the dark house creepy. Early 1944, she consciously overcame her fear and went down the stairs alone, despite there being many planes in the sky.[26]
\r\n\r\nIn the business area, all the way down to the street, there were facilities that rarely played a role, but were vital: the energy meters. Nothing is known about the gas meter. But a power fuse blew out at least twice. The first time was before the more practical Van Pelsen arrived, leaving the Frank family in the dark until the next day.[27] The second time, 'the men' immediately solved the problem.[28]
\r\n\r\nThe Secret Annex as a refuge for eight people appeals to the imagination due to the familiarity of what happened there. As evidenced by the many visitors, the building has become an integral part of the history of hiding. Anne's diary can hardly be separated from the place where it was written.
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne Frank's diary, the plan was for them to arrive on 14 July 1942. Due to many reports of call-ups to work, they were so concerned that they left for the Secret Annex a day earlier.[1] Incidentally, Peter was not yet 16, and both his parents had been born before 1902, meaning they were not among the first-ever called-up categories.
\r\n\r\nVolgens Anne Franks dagboek was het plan dat zij 14 juli 1942 zouden komen. Door vele berichten over oproepen waren zij zodanig verontrust dat ze een dag eerder naar het Achterhuis vertrokken.[1] Peter was overigens nog geen zestien, en zijn beide ouders waren geboren voor 1902, wat wil zeggen dat zij niet tot de allereerst opgeroepen categorieen behoorden.
\r\n\r\nAccording to Anne Frank's diary, the plan was for them to arrive on 14 July 1942. Due to many reports of call-ups to work, they were so concerned that they left for the Secret Annex a day earlier.[1] Incidentally, Peter was not yet 16, and both his parents had been born before 1902, meaning they were not among the first-ever called-up categories.
\r\n\r\nThe firm Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens' Embroidery and Pleating Workshops) was located at 5-9 Nieuwe Herengracht from 1915 to 1938.[1] Miep Gies worked there for four-and-a-half years after leaving a MULO school, according to her foster parents.[2] She was listed in the staff address book with the address Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccording to the Register of Foreign Nationals, she worked in the office at Schellekens for NLG 67.50 a month from 1 September 1927 to 1 December 1932.[3] She worked there as a typist. At Schellekens she met Jan Gies, who was a bookkeeper there.[4]
\r\n\r\nDe firma Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers was van 1915 tot 1938 gevestigd aan de Nieuwe Herengracht 5-9.[1] Hermine Santrouschitz, beter bekend als Miep Gies, werkte hier volgens haar pleegouders na het verlaten van de MULO vierëneenhalf jaar.[2] Zij stond in het personeelsadresboek met het adres Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nVolgens het Vreemdelingenregister werkte ze van 1 september 1927 tot 1 december 1932 bij Schellekens als kantoorbediende voor fl/ 67,50 per maand.[3] Ze werkte daar als typiste. Bij Schellekens leerde ze Jan Gies kennen, die daar boekhouder was.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe firm Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens' Embroidery and Pleating Workshops) was located at 5-9 Nieuwe Herengracht from 1915 to 1938.[1] Miep Gies worked there for four-and-a-half years after leaving a MULO school, according to her foster parents.[2] She was listed in the staff address book with the address Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccording to the Register of Foreign Nationals, she worked in the office at Schellekens for NLG 67.50 a month from 1 September 1927 to 1 December 1932.[3] She worked there as a typist. At Schellekens she met Jan Gies, who was a bookkeeper there.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","description_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.
","description_en":"The objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","summary":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","summary_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.","summary_en":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/2210"],"parent":null,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04bc398b-9132-421d-be07-26d89aecf727","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e81eeb71-37e6-4299-9a32-d4d419af2117","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84898f4e-5c32-47d1-bff4-d377c343c5b2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5e6e4c0b-e255-4b81-9abc-a8b22fd9d87c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/17e62508-f7db-41ee-bf60-e7f87d4dd63c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2aaa7b1a-46b7-49f3-9908-dd3a35052bd6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fca17b8f-5066-4200-a73e-76bccc6ef720","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1a319571-a93e-4566-9396-a4d6e61833ed","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/41740528-a1d2-4a88-8b7c-c78e01a8ee6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aedb3425-3b2c-4479-9d12-9ff63918c0b7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ea19e0cf-5fd7-4bb6-9dd9-63c328018639","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4caabcc8-204b-438d-915c-1e6ea54630bb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/83d54925-63d3-43a3-9f96-a9535224eb3d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6ef7b88e-bdae-4edb-8265-23201452f19b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0f90d12e-14ef-4acb-b44f-c3692319565a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0cfff667-b7b7-42e2-b01b-848d60758275","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/18a78a8e-12a1-4e8c-b38f-20ab70ff1da5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f2e450aa-840f-4dd8-84cf-548ce515e6d0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ce70ffc-474f-4743-a9a8-dd4ed4e59c77","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/56d301cf-e04e-47fd-884b-6685a83f00b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa46b11f-7c2b-4fbc-ac9b-82fb58e805a6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/22e16ce9-e2a5-476f-b517-7e48026e719e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f9bad9c3-50bb-41b5-b528-74c36e40d028","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6b0dbaa0-4815-4f3e-ab1c-e0ee6196188e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c885285f-6d92-48fc-817f-543f6f20f9bf","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c893854-c6f4-4ec1-8bc7-3f53d91174cc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/45c5caab-86df-4b28-91ba-f2d9fd02d20e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ce8468a7-c299-43c3-a730-4b3009a56059","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a4257fc0-726f-49b3-9912-80a4aacbacbb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/caa75771-165a-46ed-a848-c3a9df9eb52c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ceacea5d-5d1a-4618-9cdc-de7c26765040","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f0eef6aa-3307-4bab-899c-0d69504e3eb0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6e696049-a72e-459b-beba-e66fc4cbf66f"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/a7bc55a0-7741-4259-a387-42959e20d899/","published":true,"name":"Schellekens Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens Embroidery and Pleating Studios)","name_nl":"Schellekens Borduur- en Plisseerateliers","name_en":"Schellekens Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens Embroidery and Pleating Studios)","uuid":"a7bc55a0-7741-4259-a387-42959e20d899","content":"De firma Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers was van 1915 tot 1938 gevestigd aan de Nieuwe Herengracht 5-9.[1] Jan Gies werkte hier. Hij woonde in die periode op de adressen Stuyvesantstraat 55 en Maasstraat 10 III, later II.[2] Die adressen in aanmerking genomen, begon hij bij Schellekens tussen eind december 1928 en juli 1931. Hij ging weg tussen september 1931 en januari 1936. Volgens Miep, die Jan hier heeft leren kennen, werkte hij er als boekhouder.[3]
\r\n\r\nDe firma Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers was van 1915 tot 1938 gevestigd aan de Nieuwe Herengracht 5-9.[1] Jan Gies werkte hier. Hij woonde in die periode op de adressen Stuyvesantstraat 55 en Maasstraat 10 III, later II.[2] Die adressen in aanmerking genomen, begon hij bij Schellekens tussen eind december 1928 en juli 1931. Hij ging weg tussen september 1931 en januari 1936. Volgens Miep, die Jan hier heeft leren kennen, werkte hij er als boekhouder.[3]
\r\n\r\nThe firm Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens' Embroidery and Pleating Workshops) was located at 5-9 Nieuwe Herengracht from 1915 to 1938.[1] Miep Gies worked there for four-and-a-half years after leaving a MULO school, according to her foster parents.[2] She was listed in the staff address book with the address Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccording to the Register of Foreign Nationals, she worked in the office at Schellekens for NLG 67.50 a month from 1 September 1927 to 1 December 1932.[3] She worked there as a typist. At Schellekens she met Jan Gies, who was a bookkeeper there.[4]
\r\n\r\nDe firma Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers was van 1915 tot 1938 gevestigd aan de Nieuwe Herengracht 5-9.[1] Hermine Santrouschitz, beter bekend als Miep Gies, werkte hier volgens haar pleegouders na het verlaten van de MULO vierëneenhalf jaar.[2] Zij stond in het personeelsadresboek met het adres Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nVolgens het Vreemdelingenregister werkte ze van 1 september 1927 tot 1 december 1932 bij Schellekens als kantoorbediende voor fl/ 67,50 per maand.[3] Ze werkte daar als typiste. Bij Schellekens leerde ze Jan Gies kennen, die daar boekhouder was.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe firm Schellekens' Borduur- en Plisseerateliers (Schellekens' Embroidery and Pleating Workshops) was located at 5-9 Nieuwe Herengracht from 1915 to 1938.[1] Miep Gies worked there for four-and-a-half years after leaving a MULO school, according to her foster parents.[2] She was listed in the staff address book with the address Gaaspstraat 12.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccording to the Register of Foreign Nationals, she worked in the office at Schellekens for NLG 67.50 a month from 1 September 1927 to 1 December 1932.[3] She worked there as a typist. At Schellekens she met Jan Gies, who was a bookkeeper there.[4]
\r\n\r\nAfter Otto Frank's departure, the house on Jekerstraat was too big for a family with one child, so Miep and Jan Gies had to move. Their next address was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies applied for a residential permit for the house on 5 November 1952. This was issued on 18 May 1953.[1] The entry in the Population Register was dated 24 June 1953.[2] The lease took effect on 1 August 1953. The rent was NLG 34.15 per month.[1] It was a small house. Miep said in an interview with Dienke Hondius that they had had to accept it out of necessity.[3]
\r\n\r\nAfter Jan died in 1993, Miep became lonely. She applied for sheltered accommodation near her son Paul, but because of her good mental and physical condition, she did not qualify for it. She then bought a three-room flat with a garden in that neighbourhood.[4]
\r\n\r\nAfter suffering a brain haemorrhage, Miep moved to Hoorn. She still lived here independently. Grote Beer 8 was her last address.[5] As a result of an accident, she was in the Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn from 17 December 2009 . She was transferred to a nursing home in early January 2010 . Her head was fixed in a scaffold.[6] She died on 11 January 2010 at the age of 100 at the residential care centre 'De Watermolen', Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nNa het vertrek van Otto Frank was de woning aan de Jekerstraat te groot voor een gezin met één kind en daarom moesten Miep en Jan Gies verhuizen. Hun volgende adres was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies vroeg op 5 november 1952 een woonvergunning voor de woning aan. Deze werd op 18 mei 1953 verstrekt.[1] De inschrijving in het Bevolkingsregister dateert van 24 juni 1953.[2] Het huurcontract ging in op 1 augustus 1953. De huur bedroeg fl. 34,15 per maand.[1] Het was een kleine woning. Miep vertelde in een interview met Dienke Hondius dat ze die uit nood hadden moeten accepteren.[3]
\r\n\r\nNa het overlijden van Jan in 1993 vereenzaamde Miep. Ze schreef zich in voor een aanleunwoning vlakbij zoon Paul, maar vanwege haar goede geestelijke en lichamelijke conditie kwam ze hiervoor niet in aanmerking. Vervolgens kocht ze een driekamerappartement met tuin in die buurt.[4]
\r\n\r\nNa een hersenbloeding verhuisde Miep naar Hoorn. Ze woonde hier nog zelfstandig. Grote Beer 8 was haar laatste adres.[5] Ten gevolge van een ongeval, lag zij vanaf 17 december 2009 in het Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn. Begin januari 2010 werd ze naar een verpleeghuis overgebracht. Haar hoofd zat gefixeerd in een stellage.[6] Ze overleed op 11 januari 2010 op honderdjarige leeftijd. in Woonzorgcentrum de Watermolen, Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nAfter Otto Frank's departure, the house on Jekerstraat was too big for a family with one child, so Miep and Jan Gies had to move. Their next address was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies applied for a residential permit for the house on 5 November 1952. This was issued on 18 May 1953.[1] The entry in the Population Register was dated 24 June 1953.[2] The lease took effect on 1 August 1953. The rent was NLG 34.15 per month.[1] It was a small house. Miep said in an interview with Dienke Hondius that they had had to accept it out of necessity.[3]
\r\n\r\nAfter Jan died in 1993, Miep became lonely. She applied for sheltered accommodation near her son Paul, but because of her good mental and physical condition, she did not qualify for it. She then bought a three-room flat with a garden in that neighbourhood.[4]
\r\n\r\nAfter suffering a brain haemorrhage, Miep moved to Hoorn. She still lived here independently. Grote Beer 8 was her last address.[5] As a result of an accident, she was in the Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn from 17 December 2009 . She was transferred to a nursing home in early January 2010 . Her head was fixed in a scaffold.[6] She died on 11 January 2010 at the age of 100 at the residential care centre 'De Watermolen', Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nAccommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","same_as":null,"parent":396124413,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bbed7414-1fa4-4417-bca3-a5ee40c96d09","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c05767e4-ac67-4d2e-a8f1-fdcfc93c3cdc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f4d47668-4071-4530-95f0-5c463fddbc60","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b654804b-25a1-4c46-affd-0de941f99790","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05463aca-21a7-4238-8686-0a4a606e10f5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8eb86b87-b516-415d-a0de-410bb88a0ab6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5f77d005-c71e-437e-8877-2ec3088e2031","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/03c56548-11fe-4e75-9a79-f1585bd2372a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b4236d95-43dd-42e6-93d5-c44eaba41b23","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1194af60-b60a-49ae-8762-cf8567fd21fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c730f47b-7508-4ea2-978e-331073f46ee4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4a5dbef2-cafa-46af-acfe-3470825a92a7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/838a9a83-171f-44ec-8a97-0024ebf8b5b6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36a662f9-f828-44ad-9609-bd8901c723f4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/07627e87-1438-47e2-a29c-847e27ce51c8","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa3cb90f-e2cc-4611-b0cb-316c6202e75b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/92a283be-fc1d-4610-8241-6f9e604e4ce0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4837c7f7-8098-4daf-8fb4-3408adb041fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/59a5ed20-0f01-42b5-a1da-785936de9c47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84d67272-953d-4e09-8014-20cd8a55bd15","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c65659a4-793a-47f1-a7c5-ee2f49ee46b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/cc6c2172-d1f5-49c4-86b0-c31aa8bd02ea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/903ba158-f1e0-4d0f-b613-eae91df2893e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bd069b91-d876-4eb7-99e7-e62aa158eae4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/995b7432-6739-42b0-9434-5c3801327d6a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b6bed785-6178-42d2-9f90-a90e7730c21e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c9289eb-d4f6-46b8-afe7-5c15df9164c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f3ea591a-9ec2-49fa-aede-0308f0c1ea5e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aab06445-fe04-4578-9fba-19e679b65d6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8f078d07-0749-4824-9317-cca40a1f8c17","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/49fb0306-d233-4742-8133-c98fdba59175","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c6d71313-a017-4e4e-b05c-f56259c2bf72","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/592362c0-d64f-42be-8319-f7e3973610d3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6a58ce7e-02e2-4517-85ce-5b03eb20b753","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0bfa905d-38bd-4422-85ed-a4f2ecc7b506","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7e61c0df-f509-437a-8f9f-5d70bdd92934","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b7c73757-981c-409e-95cc-cc8eab873a93","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/150fa41e-02ba-4cae-9f32-62460252007f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/043a50b5-46ac-4222-8001-6ad28d51a1e2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/da7429b4-b23f-4947-b6d8-e5e6c0f143c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6660d32e-d2b0-468d-b7e7-01ceefc4376d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05693431-6b99-47b4-8e47-59ab3e95a889","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04f5ebdc-fe09-4ce6-991b-cf851a81c198","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a423c2ce-aac1-4ff6-86b1-f5233e4b77ff","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0ccf3db9-1774-4848-ad11-627e3fc64cea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bd22a6-e3e0-45e6-9bef-449b9894f0db","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db15398a-d845-4147-9ceb-1530e7e9a4e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b5ad5b8d-2494-42ad-bf1f-d2a1f9250bb2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2c4e9ad5-bb38-4440-ae2f-7b3fc3fba34a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db594671-5a23-4c77-94e5-719f47bf03e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e8477cf1-0664-404d-a851-fe6a97e01e47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7d0da592-ac93-4786-b1c3-932a0fd9dcf5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ff53ce1-d866-4190-a138-16c32a9eca43"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/36022488-7682-43ff-918c-a2b970789006/","published":true,"name":"Hoorn","name_nl":"Hoorn","name_en":"Hoorn","uuid":"36022488-7682-43ff-918c-a2b970789006","content":"There she celebrated her hundredth birthday privately in 2009.
","content_nl":"Daar vierde zij in 2009 in besloten kring haar honderdste verjaardag.
","content_en":"There she celebrated her hundredth birthday privately in 2009.
","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (5.08325 52.70767)","summary":"Miep Gies lived her last years of life in Hoorn.","summary_nl":"Miep Gies woonde haar laatste levensjaren in Hoorn.","summary_en":"Miep Gies lived her last years of life in Hoorn.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/locations/10346"],"street":"","zipcode":"","city":"Hoorn","state":"","land":"Nederland","location_events":[228]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/3528d294-ba47-4788-96a7-c20d71f654ce/","published":true,"uuid":"3528d294-ba47-4788-96a7-c20d71f654ce","name":"Miep Gies's last addresses","name_nl":"De laatste adressen van Miep Gies","name_en":"Miep Gies's last addresses","content":"After Otto Frank's departure, the house on Jekerstraat was too big for a family with one child, so Miep and Jan Gies had to move. Their next address was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies applied for a residential permit for the house on 5 November 1952. This was issued on 18 May 1953.[1] The entry in the Population Register was dated 24 June 1953.[2] The lease took effect on 1 August 1953. The rent was NLG 34.15 per month.[1] It was a small house. Miep said in an interview with Dienke Hondius that they had had to accept it out of necessity.[3]
\r\n\r\nAfter Jan died in 1993, Miep became lonely. She applied for sheltered accommodation near her son Paul, but because of her good mental and physical condition, she did not qualify for it. She then bought a three-room flat with a garden in that neighbourhood.[4]
\r\n\r\nAfter suffering a brain haemorrhage, Miep moved to Hoorn. She still lived here independently. Grote Beer 8 was her last address.[5] As a result of an accident, she was in the Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn from 17 December 2009 . She was transferred to a nursing home in early January 2010 . Her head was fixed in a scaffold.[6] She died on 11 January 2010 at the age of 100 at the residential care centre 'De Watermolen', Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nNa het vertrek van Otto Frank was de woning aan de Jekerstraat te groot voor een gezin met één kind en daarom moesten Miep en Jan Gies verhuizen. Hun volgende adres was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies vroeg op 5 november 1952 een woonvergunning voor de woning aan. Deze werd op 18 mei 1953 verstrekt.[1] De inschrijving in het Bevolkingsregister dateert van 24 juni 1953.[2] Het huurcontract ging in op 1 augustus 1953. De huur bedroeg fl. 34,15 per maand.[1] Het was een kleine woning. Miep vertelde in een interview met Dienke Hondius dat ze die uit nood hadden moeten accepteren.[3]
\r\n\r\nNa het overlijden van Jan in 1993 vereenzaamde Miep. Ze schreef zich in voor een aanleunwoning vlakbij zoon Paul, maar vanwege haar goede geestelijke en lichamelijke conditie kwam ze hiervoor niet in aanmerking. Vervolgens kocht ze een driekamerappartement met tuin in die buurt.[4]
\r\n\r\nNa een hersenbloeding verhuisde Miep naar Hoorn. Ze woonde hier nog zelfstandig. Grote Beer 8 was haar laatste adres.[5] Ten gevolge van een ongeval, lag zij vanaf 17 december 2009 in het Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn. Begin januari 2010 werd ze naar een verpleeghuis overgebracht. Haar hoofd zat gefixeerd in een stellage.[6] Ze overleed op 11 januari 2010 op honderdjarige leeftijd. in Woonzorgcentrum de Watermolen, Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nAfter Otto Frank's departure, the house on Jekerstraat was too big for a family with one child, so Miep and Jan Gies had to move. Their next address was Woestduinstraat 86 I. Jan Gies applied for a residential permit for the house on 5 November 1952. This was issued on 18 May 1953.[1] The entry in the Population Register was dated 24 June 1953.[2] The lease took effect on 1 August 1953. The rent was NLG 34.15 per month.[1] It was a small house. Miep said in an interview with Dienke Hondius that they had had to accept it out of necessity.[3]
\r\n\r\nAfter Jan died in 1993, Miep became lonely. She applied for sheltered accommodation near her son Paul, but because of her good mental and physical condition, she did not qualify for it. She then bought a three-room flat with a garden in that neighbourhood.[4]
\r\n\r\nAfter suffering a brain haemorrhage, Miep moved to Hoorn. She still lived here independently. Grote Beer 8 was her last address.[5] As a result of an accident, she was in the Westfries Gasthuis in Hoorn from 17 December 2009 . She was transferred to a nursing home in early January 2010 . Her head was fixed in a scaffold.[6] She died on 11 January 2010 at the age of 100 at the residential care centre 'De Watermolen', Wipmolenstraat 10 in Abbekerk.[7]
\r\n\r\nA difficult problem for people in hiding was food supply. War conditions led to shortages and the government therefore established a distribution system with ration cards and stamp. Those who went into hiding almost always lost immediate access to those means and had to obtain them in a clandestine, and therefore risky, manner. The Secret Annex obtained receipts from two representatives.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noted the arrests of Martin Brouwer and Pieter Daatzelaar, a few days apart, in her diary. She was afraid that shortages would now arise, and she worried about the two.[1] Both men were representatives of the Gies & Co. firm and, although they were not aware of the hiding, they were well acquainted with both Frank and Van Pels. After about two weeks, during which Anne wrote about to the case several times, they were released at four o'clock in the afternoon on 22 March 1944, two weeks after theu had been arrested.[2] The next day Anne also wrote that down in her diary. So she followed the case closely and the good news quickly reached the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nEen lastig probleem voor onderduikers was de voedselvoorziening. De oorlogsomstandigheden leidden tot schaarste en de overheid stelde daarom een distributiesysteem met bonnen in. Wie in onderduik verdween verloor vrijwel altijd direct toegang tot die bonnen en moest daar op clandestiene, en dus riskante, wijze aan zien te komen. Het Achterhuis betrok bonnen van twee vertegenwoordigers.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noteerde de arrestaties van Martin Brouwer en Pieter Daatzelaar, enkele dagen na elkaar, in haar dagboek. Ze was bang dat er nu tekorten zouden ontstaan, en ze maakte zich zorgen om het tweetal.[1] Beide mannen waren vertegenwoordigers van de firma Gies & Co. en waren, hoewel ze niet van de onderduik op de hoogte waren, met Frank en Van Pels wel goed bekend. Na ongeveer twee weken, waarin Anne enkele keren op de zaak terugkomt, werden zij op 22 maart 1944 om vier uur in de middag vrijgelaten, twee weken na hun arrestatie.[2] De volgende dag schreef Anne ook dat in haar dagboek op. Zij volgde de zaak dus op de voet en het goede nieuws had het Achterhuis snel bereikt.
\r\n\r\nA difficult problem for people in hiding was food supply. War conditions led to shortages and the government therefore established a distribution system with ration cards and stamp. Those who went into hiding almost always lost immediate access to those means and had to obtain them in a clandestine, and therefore risky, manner. The Secret Annex obtained receipts from two representatives.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noted the arrests of Martin Brouwer and Pieter Daatzelaar, a few days apart, in her diary. She was afraid that shortages would now arise, and she worried about the two.[1] Both men were representatives of the Gies & Co. firm and, although they were not aware of the hiding, they were well acquainted with both Frank and Van Pels. After about two weeks, during which Anne wrote about to the case several times, they were released at four o'clock in the afternoon on 22 March 1944, two weeks after theu had been arrested.[2] The next day Anne also wrote that down in her diary. So she followed the case closely and the good news quickly reached the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nThe theme of food is closely related to the topics of Rationing and Supply in general. After all, what was eaten, and how much, partly depended on these aspects. Food was not initially lacking in the Secret Annex. Sufficient food was available through regular and clandestine distribution channels.
\r\n\r\nFrom 8 August 1943, a 'customer loyalty' scheme for fruit and vegetables came into effect in many places, including Amsterdam. This meant that every household had to commit to a regular greengrocer for each four-week period. The latter issued a 'family card' by name and had to ensure collection of vouchers and reasonable distribution of his supply, depending on the number of family members.[1] How the helpers solved this complication in practice is not known.
\r\n\r\nVegetables and potatoes came from greengrocer Van Hoeve on Leliegracht; for bread, an arrangement was made with baker Siemons.[2] Meat came from a butcher in the area known to Hermann van Pels, probably - based on the menu mentioned below with 'Roastbeaf SCHOLTE' - Piet Scholte's branch on Elandsgracht.[3] As time passed, difficulties arose, which had several causes. Victor Kugler wrote years later in his recollections that gradually the problems grew; food in particular became scarce.[4] Austerity of meals and rations repeatedly gave rise to quarrels. Using Anne's notes and various external sources, various aspects of the issue can be well described and also explained.
\r\n\r\nAt the start of the hiding period, a substantial stock of food had been established, including one hundred and fifty tins of canned vegetables. Through business contacts, powdered milk, wheat starch and sugar were always available in ample quantities, with which, according to Kugler, nutritious puddings could be made.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn the late summer and autumn of 1942, Anne writes that she and Hermann van Pels ate heavily.[6] At the same time, fat rations steadily decreased in the second half of 1942.[7] On 7 October that year, we can read about the tensions caused by whether or not butter was spread on bread in the Secret Annex.[8] At the time, the official butter/fat ration amounted to 62½ grams per person per week.[9] Anne reports the delivery of 135 kilos of pulses in November.[10] In March 1943, she writes that her mother arranged for the children to receive extra butter.[11] However, it was the rationing system that determined that the youth between the ages of 4 and 21 received a higher fat ration.[12] On the same day, she writes that she got tired of white and brown beans, and that the 'evening bread ration' had been withdrawn.[11] The abundance of beans can be explained by the aforementioned 135 kilos. Given the lenient arrangement with Siemons, why bread consumption was reduced is unclear.
\r\n\r\nIt became especially apparent in the first months of 1944 that external factors had a major influence. The arrest of voucher suppliers Brouwer and Daatzelaar in March jeopardised the supply of potatoes and butter, among other things.[13] Fried potatoes for breakfast were therefore replaced by porridge.[14] It proved possible to buy extra whole milk, which was done at Mrs Van Pels' insistence. Whole milk was officially reserved for children under 14, so that purchase was clandestine. Black market milk prices in early 1944 were around 40 to 50 cents per litre in Amsterdam-Noord and up to 1.30 to 1.50 guilders per litre in Zuid.[15] So it's likely the people in hiding incurred relatively high costs for extra milk. This suggests that shortages in the Secret Annex were due more to scarcity and distribution problems than to lack of money.
\r\n\r\nAnne complained on 8 May 1944 that they were constantly eating 'lettuce, stewing lettuce, spinach, spinach and more spinach '. During this period, a shortage of fertilisers led to crop restrictions. Especially the so-called 'mass products' were widely available then, a category that included the controversial leafy vegetables.[16]
\r\n\r\nProblems did grow after the arrest of greengrocer Van Hoeve in late May 1944. The growing shortage of potatoes and vegetables led to the gradual abolition of breakfast.[17] Compensating by bringing lunch forward could not conceal the fact that scarcity had increased.
\r\n\r\nThere was room to do something extra now and then. In the early days, the Franks, at that time alone in the Secret Annex, received rhubarb, strawberries and cherries from the helpers.[18] To mark Jan and Miep's wedding anniversary, there was a dinner in the Secret Annex on 18 July 1942, just after the Van Pels family arrived. A typed menu of this has been preserved, and on the table were broth, roast beef, various salads and one 'pomme de terre' per person. Also gravy, 'to be used very minimally' because of the butter ration, riz à la Trautmannsdorf ('surrogate') and coffee with sugar and cream.[3] Bouillon and gravy powders were part of Gies & Co's core range. Given the prevailing scarcity and therefore very high prices, the coffee must also have been 'surrogate'. When Jan and Miep came to stay in October, soup, meatballs, potatoes, carrots and coffee with gingerbread and Maria biscuits were served, according to Anne.[19]
\r\n\r\nThrough the story Sausage Day and from the B-version, the episode situated by Anne in December 1942 is known in which Van Pels had managed to get hold of a large quantity of meat and made sausage from it.[20] Through food distribution, the people in hiding sometimes benefited from occasional windfalls, as in the provision of extra sweets, oil and syrup at Christmas.[21] On the other hand, they also noticed when a butter coupon was withheld as a sanction for the 1943 strikes. From the same note comes the list of foodstuffs apparently sent to Pfeffer by Charlotte Kaletta on his birthday in 1943: eggs, butter, biscuits, lemonade, bread, brandy, oranges, gingerbread and chocolate.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1943, the helpers managed to get 'pre-war' butter biscuits for the people in the Secret Annex, and on Edith's birthday a few weeks later, a 'pre-war' mocha cake.[23] On Otto Frank's 55th birthday there was beer, and through Siemons there were even fifty 'pre-war' petit fours.[24] In the case of the cake and pie, this meant that the relevant bakers must have been provided with necessary ingredients such as butter, sugar and eggs in advance via the helpers. As bakers were sparsely supplied with these, this was a common method of obtaining decent - 'pre-war' - pastries at the time.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn July 1944, Mrs Van Hoeve - her husband was imprisoned at that time for hiding the Jewish couple Weisz - delivered nine kilos of peas. The pods of these were also eaten. On the same day, Anne notes the delivery of a large batch of strawberries, taken by Broks directly from the Beverwijk auction.[26] Given the quantities, these must also have been non-regular transactions. Clandestine trade in strawberries was also closely monitored in Amsterdam around this time.[27]
\r\n\r\nFinally, there was Peter's cat Mouschi. After much deliberation and ambiguity, the government decided that food could only be available for economically useful cats, such as warehouse cats.[28] This meant that Mouschi's food, unlike that of warehouse cat Moffie, had to come through other channels, or he ate what the people in hiding ate.
\r\n\r\nThis overview shows that external factors played a greater role in the impoverishment of the food position in the Secret Annex than internal ones. The decline in variety and quantities kept pace with the disappearance of suppliers of coupons and foodstuffs. Financial concerns undoubtedly made themselves felt, yet repeatedly it appears that occasional opportunities to purchase extras remained for a long time. Lack of money therefore does not seem to have been a decisive factor in the decline of the food position.
\r\n\r\nHet voedselthema is nauw verwant aan de onderwerpen Distributie en Bevoorrading in het algemeen. Wat er gegeten werd, en hoeveel, hing daar tenslotte mede van af. Gebrek werd er in eerste instantie in het Achterhuis niet geleden. Via reguliere en clandestiene distributiekanalen was er voldoende voedsel voorhanden.
\r\n\r\nMet ingang van 8 augustus 1943 kwam er in een groot aantal plaatsen, waaronder Amsterdam, een ‘klantenbinding’ voor groente en fruit tot stand. Dit wil zeggen dat ieder huishouden zich per periode van vier weken aan een vaste groentehandelaar diende te verbinden. Deze verstrekte een ‘gezinskaart’ op naam en moest zorgen voor inname van bonnen en een redelijke verdeling van zijn aanbod, afhankelijk van het aantal gezinsleden.[1] Hoe de helpers deze complicatie in de praktijk oplosten is niet bekend.
\r\n\r\nGroente en aardappelen komen van groenteboer Van Hoeve op de Leliegracht; voor brood was een regeling getroffen met bakker Siemons.[2] Vlees kwam van een bij Hermann van Pels bekende slager in de omgeving, waarschijnlijk - op grond van het hieronder genoemd menukaartje met “Roastbeaf SCHOLTE” - het filiaal van Piet Scholte op de Elandsgracht.[3] Met het verstrijken van de tijd ontstonden moeilijkheden, die verschillende oorzaken hadden. Victor Kugler schreef jaren later in zijn herinneringen dat gaandeweg de problemen groeiden; vooral levensmiddelen werden schaars.[4] Versobering van de maaltijden en rantsoenen gaven herhaaldelijk aanleiding tot ruzies. Aan de hand van Annes notities en verschillende externe bronnen zijn diverse aspecten van het vraagstuk goed te beschrijven en ook te verklaren.
\r\n\r\nBij aanvang van de onderduikperiode was er een flinke voorraad levensmiddelen aangelegd, waaronder honderdvijftig conservenblikken met groente. Door de zakelijke contacten waren melkpoeder, tarwezetmeel en suiker steeds in ruime hoeveelheden voorhanden, waarmee volgens Kugler voedzame pudding kon worden gemaakt.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn de nazomer en de herfst van 1942 schrijft Anne dat zijzelf en Hermann van Pels flink aten.[6] Tegelijkertijd daalde het vetrantsoen in de tweede helft van 1942 gestaag.[7] Op 7 oktober van dat jaar is te lezen welke spanningen het wel of niet op brood smeren van boter in het Achterhuis tot gevolg had.[8] In die periode kwam het officiële boter/vetrantsoen neer op 62½ gram per persoon per week.[9] Anne meldt in november de levering van 135 kilo peulvruchten.[10] In maart 1943 schrijft ze dat haar moeder bewerkstelligde dat de kinderen extra boter kregen.[11] Het was echter de distributie die bepaalde dat de jeugd tussen 4 en 21 jaar een hoger vetrantsoen kregen.[12] Op dezelfde dag schrijft ze dat ze genoeg kreeg van de witte en bruine bonen, en dat de 'avond-broodverstrekking' was ingetrokken.[11] De overvloed aan bonen is te verklaren uit de eerder genoemde 135 kilo. Waarom de broodconsumptie, gezien de soepele regeling met Siemons, werd verminderd is onduidelijk.
\r\n\r\nHet werd vooral in de eerste maanden van 1944 zichtbaar dat externe factoren veel bepaalden. De arrestatie van bonnenleveranciers Brouwer en Daatzelaar in maart bracht de aanvoer van onder meer aardappelen en boter in gevaar.[13] Gebakken aardappelen als ontbijt werden dan ook vervangen door pap.[14] Het bleek mogelijk extra volle melk te kopen, wat op aandringen van mevrouw Van Pels ook gebeurde. Volle melk was officieel voorbehouden aan kinderen onder de veertien, dus die aanschaf was clandestien. De zwarte melkprijzen bedroegen begin 1944 zo’n 40 à 50 cent per liter in Amsterdam-Noord en tot 1,30 à 1,50 gulden per liter in Zuid.[15] De onderduikers konden dus voor extra melk betrekkelijk hoge kosten maken. Dit duidt erop dat tekorten in het Achterhuis meer waren te wijten aan schaarste en verdelingsproblemen dan aan geldgebrek.
\r\n\r\nAnne beklaagt zich op 8 mei 1944 over het feit dat ze steeds 'sla, stoofsla, spinazie, spinazie en nog eens spinazie' aten. In deze periode leidde gebrek aan meststoffen tot teeltbeperkingen. Vooral de zogenaamde 'massaproducten' waren toen ruim verkrijgbaar, een categorie waartoe ook de gewraakte bladgroenten behoorden.[16]
\r\n\r\nDe problemen groeiden wel na de arrestatie van groenteboer Van Hoeve eind mei 1944. Het toenemende tekort aan aardappelen en groente leidde tot het geleidelijk afschaffen van het ontbijt.[17] Compensatie door het vervroegen van de lunch kon niet verhullen dat de schaarste toenam.
\r\n\r\nEr was ruimte om af en toe iets extra’s te doen. In de eerste dagen kregen de Franks, toen nog alleen in het Achterhuis, van de helpers rabarber, aardbeien en kersen.[18] Ter gelegenheid van de huwelijksdag van Jan en Miep was er op 18 juli 1942, vlak na de aankomst van de familie Van Pels, een diner in het Achterhuis. Hiervan is een getypt menukaartje bewaard gebleven, en op tafel kwamen bouillon, roast beef, diverse salades en per persoon één ‘pomme de terre’. Verder jus, ‘zeer miniem te gebruiken’ vanwege het boterrantsoen, riz à la Trautmannsdorf (‘surrogaat’) en koffie met suiker en room.[3] Bouillon- en juspoeders behoorden tot het kernassortiment van Gies & Co. Gezien de heersende schaarste en daardoor erg hoge prijzen zal de koffie ook wel ‘surrogaat’ zijn geweest. Toen Jan en Miep in oktober kwamen logeren, stonden er volgens Anne soep, gehaktballetjes, aardappels, worteltjes en koffie met kruidkoek en Maria’s op tafel.[19]
\r\n\r\nDoor het verhaaltje Worstdag en uit de B-versie is de door Anne in december ‘42 gesitueerde episode bekend waarin Van Pels een grote hoeveelheid vlees had kunnen bemachtigen en daar worst van maakte.[20] Via de voedseldistributie profiteerden de onderduikers soms van incidentele meevallers, zoals bij de verstrekking van extra snoep, olie en stroop met Kerstmis.[21] Daar staat tegenover dat ze het ook merkten toen er, als sanctie voor de stakingen van 1943 een boterbon werd ingehouden. Uit dezelfde notitie komt de opsomming van levensmiddelen die Pfeffer bij zijn verjaardag in 1943 kennelijk van Charlotte Kaletta toegestuurd kreeg: eieren, boter, koekjes, limonade, brood, cognac, sinaasappelen, kruidkoek en chocolade.[22]
\r\n\r\nEind ’43 wisten de helpers aan ‘vooroorlogse’ boterkoekjes voor de onderduikers te komen, en bij Ediths verjaardag enkele weken later aan een dito mokkataart.[23] Bij Otto Franks 55e verjaardag was er bier en via Siemons waren er zelfs vijftig ‘vooroorlogse’ petit fours.[24] In het geval van de koek en taart betekende dit dat de betreffende bakkers via de helpers vooraf van benodigde ingrediënten als boter, suiker en eieren moeten zijn voorzien. Omdat bakkers hiermee karig werden bevoorraad, was dit destijds een gebruikelijke methode om aan behoorlijk - ‘vooroorlogs’ - gebak te komen.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn juli ’44 leverde mevrouw Van Hoeve – haar man zat toen gevangen vanwege het verbergen van het Joodse echtpaar Weisz – negen kilo doperwten. Hiervan werden ook de peulen gegeten. Op dezelfde dag noteert Anne de aanvoer van een grote partij aardbeien, door Broks rechtstreeks van de Beverwijkse veiling gehaald.[26] Gezien de hoeveelheden moet ook hier sprake zijn geweest van niet-reguliere transacties. Op clandestiene handel in aardbeien werd ook in Amsterdam rond deze tijd scherp toegezien.[27]
\r\n\r\nTen slotte was er nog Peters kat Mouschi. Na veel overleg en onduidelijkheid besloot de overheid dat alleen voor economisch nuttige katten, zoals pakhuiskatten, voedsel beschikbaar kon zijn.[28] Dat betekende dat Mouschi’s voer, in tegenstelling tot dat van pakhuiskat Moffie, langs andere kanalen moest komen, of dat hij at wat de onderduikers aten.
\r\n\r\nUit dit overzicht blijkt dat externe factoren een grotere rol spelen bij de verschraling van de voedselpositie in het Achterhuis dan interne. De afname van variatie en hoeveelheden hield gelijke tred met het wegvallen van leveranciers van bonnen en levensmiddelen. Financiële zorgen hebben zich ongetwijfeld doen gelden, maar herhaaldelijk blijkt toch dat incidentele mogelijkheden om extra’s aan te schaffen lang zijn blijven bestaan. Geldgebrek lijkt daarom geen doorslaggevende factor te zijn geweest in de achteruitgang van de voedselpositie.
\r\n\r\nThe theme of food is closely related to the topics of Rationing and Supply in general. After all, what was eaten, and how much, partly depended on these aspects. Food was not initially lacking in the Secret Annex. Sufficient food was available through regular and clandestine distribution channels.
\r\n\r\nFrom 8 August 1943, a 'customer loyalty' scheme for fruit and vegetables came into effect in many places, including Amsterdam. This meant that every household had to commit to a regular greengrocer for each four-week period. The latter issued a 'family card' by name and had to ensure collection of vouchers and reasonable distribution of his supply, depending on the number of family members.[1] How the helpers solved this complication in practice is not known.
\r\n\r\nVegetables and potatoes came from greengrocer Van Hoeve on Leliegracht; for bread, an arrangement was made with baker Siemons.[2] Meat came from a butcher in the area known to Hermann van Pels, probably - based on the menu mentioned below with 'Roastbeaf SCHOLTE' - Piet Scholte's branch on Elandsgracht.[3] As time passed, difficulties arose, which had several causes. Victor Kugler wrote years later in his recollections that gradually the problems grew; food in particular became scarce.[4] Austerity of meals and rations repeatedly gave rise to quarrels. Using Anne's notes and various external sources, various aspects of the issue can be well described and also explained.
\r\n\r\nAt the start of the hiding period, a substantial stock of food had been established, including one hundred and fifty tins of canned vegetables. Through business contacts, powdered milk, wheat starch and sugar were always available in ample quantities, with which, according to Kugler, nutritious puddings could be made.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn the late summer and autumn of 1942, Anne writes that she and Hermann van Pels ate heavily.[6] At the same time, fat rations steadily decreased in the second half of 1942.[7] On 7 October that year, we can read about the tensions caused by whether or not butter was spread on bread in the Secret Annex.[8] At the time, the official butter/fat ration amounted to 62½ grams per person per week.[9] Anne reports the delivery of 135 kilos of pulses in November.[10] In March 1943, she writes that her mother arranged for the children to receive extra butter.[11] However, it was the rationing system that determined that the youth between the ages of 4 and 21 received a higher fat ration.[12] On the same day, she writes that she got tired of white and brown beans, and that the 'evening bread ration' had been withdrawn.[11] The abundance of beans can be explained by the aforementioned 135 kilos. Given the lenient arrangement with Siemons, why bread consumption was reduced is unclear.
\r\n\r\nIt became especially apparent in the first months of 1944 that external factors had a major influence. The arrest of voucher suppliers Brouwer and Daatzelaar in March jeopardised the supply of potatoes and butter, among other things.[13] Fried potatoes for breakfast were therefore replaced by porridge.[14] It proved possible to buy extra whole milk, which was done at Mrs Van Pels' insistence. Whole milk was officially reserved for children under 14, so that purchase was clandestine. Black market milk prices in early 1944 were around 40 to 50 cents per litre in Amsterdam-Noord and up to 1.30 to 1.50 guilders per litre in Zuid.[15] So it's likely the people in hiding incurred relatively high costs for extra milk. This suggests that shortages in the Secret Annex were due more to scarcity and distribution problems than to lack of money.
\r\n\r\nAnne complained on 8 May 1944 that they were constantly eating 'lettuce, stewing lettuce, spinach, spinach and more spinach '. During this period, a shortage of fertilisers led to crop restrictions. Especially the so-called 'mass products' were widely available then, a category that included the controversial leafy vegetables.[16]
\r\n\r\nProblems did grow after the arrest of greengrocer Van Hoeve in late May 1944. The growing shortage of potatoes and vegetables led to the gradual abolition of breakfast.[17] Compensating by bringing lunch forward could not conceal the fact that scarcity had increased.
\r\n\r\nThere was room to do something extra now and then. In the early days, the Franks, at that time alone in the Secret Annex, received rhubarb, strawberries and cherries from the helpers.[18] To mark Jan and Miep's wedding anniversary, there was a dinner in the Secret Annex on 18 July 1942, just after the Van Pels family arrived. A typed menu of this has been preserved, and on the table were broth, roast beef, various salads and one 'pomme de terre' per person. Also gravy, 'to be used very minimally' because of the butter ration, riz à la Trautmannsdorf ('surrogate') and coffee with sugar and cream.[3] Bouillon and gravy powders were part of Gies & Co's core range. Given the prevailing scarcity and therefore very high prices, the coffee must also have been 'surrogate'. When Jan and Miep came to stay in October, soup, meatballs, potatoes, carrots and coffee with gingerbread and Maria biscuits were served, according to Anne.[19]
\r\n\r\nThrough the story Sausage Day and from the B-version, the episode situated by Anne in December 1942 is known in which Van Pels had managed to get hold of a large quantity of meat and made sausage from it.[20] Through food distribution, the people in hiding sometimes benefited from occasional windfalls, as in the provision of extra sweets, oil and syrup at Christmas.[21] On the other hand, they also noticed when a butter coupon was withheld as a sanction for the 1943 strikes. From the same note comes the list of foodstuffs apparently sent to Pfeffer by Charlotte Kaletta on his birthday in 1943: eggs, butter, biscuits, lemonade, bread, brandy, oranges, gingerbread and chocolate.[22]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1943, the helpers managed to get 'pre-war' butter biscuits for the people in the Secret Annex, and on Edith's birthday a few weeks later, a 'pre-war' mocha cake.[23] On Otto Frank's 55th birthday there was beer, and through Siemons there were even fifty 'pre-war' petit fours.[24] In the case of the cake and pie, this meant that the relevant bakers must have been provided with necessary ingredients such as butter, sugar and eggs in advance via the helpers. As bakers were sparsely supplied with these, this was a common method of obtaining decent - 'pre-war' - pastries at the time.[25]
\r\n\r\nIn July 1944, Mrs Van Hoeve - her husband was imprisoned at that time for hiding the Jewish couple Weisz - delivered nine kilos of peas. The pods of these were also eaten. On the same day, Anne notes the delivery of a large batch of strawberries, taken by Broks directly from the Beverwijk auction.[26] Given the quantities, these must also have been non-regular transactions. Clandestine trade in strawberries was also closely monitored in Amsterdam around this time.[27]
\r\n\r\nFinally, there was Peter's cat Mouschi. After much deliberation and ambiguity, the government decided that food could only be available for economically useful cats, such as warehouse cats.[28] This meant that Mouschi's food, unlike that of warehouse cat Moffie, had to come through other channels, or he ate what the people in hiding ate.
\r\n\r\nThis overview shows that external factors played a greater role in the impoverishment of the food position in the Secret Annex than internal ones. The decline in variety and quantities kept pace with the disappearance of suppliers of coupons and foodstuffs. Financial concerns undoubtedly made themselves felt, yet repeatedly it appears that occasional opportunities to purchase extras remained for a long time. Lack of money therefore does not seem to have been a decisive factor in the decline of the food position.
\r\n\r\nDuring World War I, food shortages also developed in the neutral Netherlands. When the threat of war increased during the 1930s, the government wanted to guarantee a good food supply through rationing. Rationing was differentiated by age group, with the importance of growing children being especially prioritised. Implementation was done by the municipalities. Allocation took place via the rationing master card (DSK) issued to residents by the municipality. Those in possession of this card were given the opportunity to buy certain goods by means of ration stamps.[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 12 October 1939, sugar went on sale on a trial basis; peas followed on 5 November. There was no shortage at that time.[2] The number of products rationed and the size of the quota changed regularly.[3]
\r\n\r\nThere was a large population of people in hiding during the occupation. Apart from Jews, these were mainly forced labourers who did not return after leave and soldiers who wanted to avoid becoming prisoners of war. In most cases, others were able to collect stamps in their locality without any problems. However, if they were deregistered from the Population Register, their rationing card was put on a 'block list', and the official had to confiscate the master card.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family was deleted from the Population Register at the end of 1942, so their cards were put on the block list. In the case of the Frank and Fritz Pfeffer family, for unknown reasons, this did not happen until late 1944. Presumably, therefore, unlike the Van Pelses, they kept their rationing documents. Anne writes in her diary on 14 March 1944 that the people in hiding had five rationing cards.[5]
\r\n\r\nOn 22 December 1943, Anne writes that they all received extra oil, sweets and a jar of syrup "from rationing".[6] Indeed, at Christmas 1943, a pound of syrup, some sugar and a quantity of extra oil became available to everyone.[7] This meant that the people in the Secret Annex, or at least some of them, were still using the regular rationing system.
\r\n\r\nIn contrast, Anne writes on 5 November 1942 about the switch from 'city' cards to 'countryside' cards.[8] This organisational separation had been in place since 5 September 1942. The 'countryside' cards had the disadvantage that they were not valid for butter, potatoes and milk in urban areas.[9] According to Anne, however, they were a lot cheaper. Moreover, they could sell the bread stamps, as baker Siemons provided 'stamp-free' bread in exchange for lactose. The fact that these stamps were bought shows that the people in hiding and the helpers were also involved in unofficial distribution. Ration stamps were also available through the representatives of Gies & Co. Martinus Brouwer and Hendrikus Daatzelaar.[10] So they got their food partly through regular and partly through clandestinely obtained rationing coupons. The oranges that Charlotte Kaletta sent to Pfeffer were obtained outside the rationing regulations, since these fruits were always reserved for the age group up to 13.[11]
\r\n\r\nIn early 1944, Rauter tried to exclude the tens of thousands of people in hiding from food supplies through a new administrative system. The Second Rationing Master Card (TD) had to be issued according to carefully designed regulations. Every adult had to collect the card in person, bring and sign the summons card, and hand in the old card. A corner of this old card was cut off and stuck on the new one.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn Amsterdam, the civil service, working together, managed to virtually nullify the intended effect. It managed to arrange that in the Beurs (the Stock Exchange) - where the paper work was issued - a hall manager and several under managers were put in place who were 'good'. Officials of the Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages issued thousands of registration cards for Jews who had already been deported but were still registered as residents. These were passed on to people in hiding via the Beurs. The corners to be cut off came from the cards of deceased people or were simply forged. An estimated 20,000 cards thus became available for the benefit of people in hiding.[12] A study published in 1995 showed that the official sabotage had been completely successful:
\r\n\r\n'In retrospect, it has become clear that Rauter's plan to bring the people in hiding to the surface by introducing the Second Rationing Master Card did indeed fail. Incidentally, the master card could not be put into use until 11 June 1944. By then, Rauter himself knew from the numbers of cards and control stamps issued that the people in hiding had been provided for. His investigation into its causes was not completed due to wartime developments.'[13]\r\n\r\n
Otto Frank's personal card was number TD174/873029z, which indicated the Second Rationing Master Card. He also used this legally after returning from Auschwitz. Anne had the number TD174/163173 and Margot only TD174. Edith had no rationing papers registered at all, but her card was a post-war '2nd copy.' The original card was lost, possibly due to acts of resistance. Pfeffer had TD174-500778ing. The Van Pels family only had the old DSKs, with the addition 'under investigation.' This meant that officials took advantage of the fact that these five (including probably Edith) were still on the Population Register. Whether those cards actually ended up with them is not certain, but given Jan Gies' illegal contacts it's very possible.
\r\n\r\nFrom a public health point of view, the food situation remained adequate until October 1944. For the people in the Secret Annex, however, it was regularly problematic, as they had eight mouths to feed with five cards. Due to the effects of the railway strike, the situation deteriorated rapidly, especially in the cities in the west. The eight people in hiding had been arrested by then.
\r\n\r\nEven after liberation, trade in various foodstuffs remained restricted for some time. Coffee was the last product freely available again from 14 January 1952, bringing an end to food rationing.[14]
\r\n\r\nTijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog ontstond ook in het neutrale Nederland voedselschaarste. Toen in de loop van de jaren dertig de oorlogsdreiging toenam, wilde de overheid door middel van distributie een goede voedselvoorziening garanderen. Bij de distributie gold een onderscheid naar leeftijdscategorie, waarbij vooral het belang van opgroeiende kinderen zwaar woog. De uitvoering van de maatregelen gebeurde door de gemeenten. Toewijzing verliep via de van gemeentewege aan de ingezetenen uitgereikte Distributie Stamkaart (DSK). Wie over deze stamkaart beschikte, kreeg door middel van bonnen de gelegenheid bepaalde artikelen te kopen.[1]
\r\n\r\nOp 12 oktober 1939 ging bij wijze van proef de suiker op de bon; op 5 november volgden de erwten. Van een tekort was toen nog geen sprake.[2] Het aantal producten in distributie en de omvang van de quota veranderde regelmatig.[3]
\r\n\r\nTijdens de bezetting ontstond een grote populatie van onderduikers. Dit waren naast Joden vooral tewerkgestelden die na verlof niet terugkeerden en militairen die krijgsgevangenschap wilden ontlopen. In de meeste gevallen konden anderen zonder problemen in hun plaats de bonnen ophalen. Als zij echter uit het Bevolkingsregister waren uitgeschreven, kwam hun distributiekaart op een ‘blokkadelijst’, en moest de ambtenaar de stamkaart innemen.[4]
\r\n\r\nDe familie Van Pels werd eind ’42 uit het Bevolkingsregister geschrapt, waardoor hun kaarten op de blokkadelijst kwamen. Bij de familie Frank en Fritz Pfeffer gebeurde dat om onbekende redenen pas eind ’44. Vermoedelijk hielden zij dan ook, in tegenstelling tot de Van Pelsen, hun distributiebescheiden. Anne schrijft op 14 maart 1944 in haar dagboek dat de onderduikers over vijf distributiekaarten beschiktken.[5]
\r\n\r\nOp 22 december 1943 schrijft Anne dat ze allemaal ‘van de distributie’ extra olie, snoep en een pot stroop kregen.[6] Inderdaad kwam met Kerstmis 1943 voor iedereen een pond stroop, wat suiker en een hoeveelheid olie extra beschikbaar.[7] Dit betekende dat de onderduikers, of althans enkelen van hen, nog steeds van de reguliere distributie gebruik maakten.
\r\n\r\nDaar staat tegenover dat Anne op 5 november 1942 schrijft over de overstap van ‘stad’-kaarten op ‘land’-kaarten.[8] Deze organisatorische scheiding was sinds 5 september 1942 van kracht. De ‘land’-kaarten hadden als nadeel dat ze voor boter, aardappelen en melk in de stedelijke gebieden niet geldig waren.[9] Volgens Anne waren ze echter een stuk goedkoper. Bovendien konden ze de broodbonnen verkopen, aangezien bakker Siemons in ruil voor melksuiker 'bonloos' brood verstrekte. Uit het feit dat deze bonnen gekocht werden, blijkt dat de onderduikers en helpers ook met onofficiële distributie in de weer waren. Ook via de vertegenwoordigers van Gies & Co. Martinus Brouwer en Hendrikus Daatzelaar waren er bonnen beschikbaar.[10] Ze kregen hun voedsel dus deels door reguliere en deels door clandestien verkregen distributiebonnen. De sinaasappels die Charlotte Kaletta naar Pfeffer stuurde, waren, aangezien deze vruchten steeds voorbehouden waren aan de leeftijdsgroep tot 13 jaar, buiten de distributiebepalingen om verkregen.[11]
\r\n\r\nBegin ‘44 probeerde Rauter door een nieuw administratief systeem de tienduizenden onderduikers van voedselvoorziening uit te sluiten. De Tweede Distributiestamkaart (TD) moest aan de hand van zorgvuldig ontworpen voorschriften worden uitgereikt. Iedere volwassene diende de kaart persoonlijk af te halen, de oproepkaart mee te brengen en te ondertekenen, en de oude kaart in te leveren. Een hoekje van deze oude kaart werd afgeknipt en op de nieuwe geplakt.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn Amsterdam slaagde de samenwerkende ambtenarij er in het beoogde effect vrijwel geheel te niet te doen. Men wist te regelen dat in de Beurs - waar de uitreiking plaatshad - een zaalchef en enkele souschefs werden neergezet die ‘goed’ waren. Ambtenaren van het Bevolkingsregister schreven duizenden stamkaarten uit voor reeds gedeporteerde Joden die echter nog als ingezetene te boek stonden. Deze werden via de Beurs doorgesluisd naar onderduikers. De af te knippen hoekjes kwamen van de kaarten van overledenen of werden simpelweg vervalst. Naar schatting 20.000 kaarten kwamen zo ten behoeve van onderduikers beschikbaar.[12] Een in 1995 gepubliceerd onderzoek toont aan dat de ambtelijke sabotage volledig was geslaagd:
\r\n\r\n'Achteraf is gebleken dat de opzet van Rauter om door invoering van de Tweede Distributie Stamkaart de onderduikers boven water te krijgen, inderdaad is mislukt. De stamkaart kon overigens pas op 11 juni 1944 in gebruik worden genomen. Rauter wist toen zelf al uit de aantallen uitgereikte kaarten en controlezegels dat de onderduikers voorzien waren. Zijn onderzoek naar de oorzaken ervan is door de oorlogsontwikkelingen niet afgerond.'[13]\r\n\r\n
Otto Franks persoonskaart heeft de aantekening TD174/873029z, hetgeen duidde op de Tweede Distributiestamkaart. Hij maakte hier na terugkeer uit Auschwitz ook legaal gebruik van. Bij Anne staat het nummer TD174/163173 en bij Margot alleen TD174. Bij Edith zijn helemaal geen distributiepapieren aangetekend, maar haar kaart is een naoorlogs '2e exemplaar.' De originele kaart is verloren gegaan, mogelijk door verzetshandelingen. Pfeffer heeft TD174-500778ing. Bij de familie Van Pels staan alleen de oude DSK’s, met de toevoeging 'in onderzoek.' Dit betekende dat de ambtenaren gebruik maakten van het feit dat deze vijf (inclusief waarschijnlijk Edith) nog in het Bevolkingsregister opgenomen waren. Of die kaarten ook daadwerkelijk bij hen terechtkwamen is niet zeker, maar gezien de illegale contacten van Jan Gies zeer wel mogelijk.
\r\n\r\nUit oogpunt van volksgezondheid bleef de voedseltoestand tot oktober ’44 voldoende. Voor de onderduikers in het Achterhuis was het wel regelmatig problematisch, daar zij met vijf kaarten acht monden hadden te voeden. Door de effecten van de spoorwegstaking ging de toestand vooral in de steden in het westen hard achteruit. De acht onderduikers waren toen al gearresteerd.
\r\n\r\nOok na de bevrijding bleef de handel in diverse levensmiddelen geruime tijd beperkt. Koffie is vanaf 14 januari 1952 als laatste product weer vrijelijk te koop, en daarmee komt een eind aan de levensmiddelendistributie.[14]
\r\n\r\nDuring World War I, food shortages also developed in the neutral Netherlands. When the threat of war increased during the 1930s, the government wanted to guarantee a good food supply through rationing. Rationing was differentiated by age group, with the importance of growing children being especially prioritised. Implementation was done by the municipalities. Allocation took place via the rationing master card (DSK) issued to residents by the municipality. Those in possession of this card were given the opportunity to buy certain goods by means of ration stamps.[1]
\r\n\r\nOn 12 October 1939, sugar went on sale on a trial basis; peas followed on 5 November. There was no shortage at that time.[2] The number of products rationed and the size of the quota changed regularly.[3]
\r\n\r\nThere was a large population of people in hiding during the occupation. Apart from Jews, these were mainly forced labourers who did not return after leave and soldiers who wanted to avoid becoming prisoners of war. In most cases, others were able to collect stamps in their locality without any problems. However, if they were deregistered from the Population Register, their rationing card was put on a 'block list', and the official had to confiscate the master card.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family was deleted from the Population Register at the end of 1942, so their cards were put on the block list. In the case of the Frank and Fritz Pfeffer family, for unknown reasons, this did not happen until late 1944. Presumably, therefore, unlike the Van Pelses, they kept their rationing documents. Anne writes in her diary on 14 March 1944 that the people in hiding had five rationing cards.[5]
\r\n\r\nOn 22 December 1943, Anne writes that they all received extra oil, sweets and a jar of syrup "from rationing".[6] Indeed, at Christmas 1943, a pound of syrup, some sugar and a quantity of extra oil became available to everyone.[7] This meant that the people in the Secret Annex, or at least some of them, were still using the regular rationing system.
\r\n\r\nIn contrast, Anne writes on 5 November 1942 about the switch from 'city' cards to 'countryside' cards.[8] This organisational separation had been in place since 5 September 1942. The 'countryside' cards had the disadvantage that they were not valid for butter, potatoes and milk in urban areas.[9] According to Anne, however, they were a lot cheaper. Moreover, they could sell the bread stamps, as baker Siemons provided 'stamp-free' bread in exchange for lactose. The fact that these stamps were bought shows that the people in hiding and the helpers were also involved in unofficial distribution. Ration stamps were also available through the representatives of Gies & Co. Martinus Brouwer and Hendrikus Daatzelaar.[10] So they got their food partly through regular and partly through clandestinely obtained rationing coupons. The oranges that Charlotte Kaletta sent to Pfeffer were obtained outside the rationing regulations, since these fruits were always reserved for the age group up to 13.[11]
\r\n\r\nIn early 1944, Rauter tried to exclude the tens of thousands of people in hiding from food supplies through a new administrative system. The Second Rationing Master Card (TD) had to be issued according to carefully designed regulations. Every adult had to collect the card in person, bring and sign the summons card, and hand in the old card. A corner of this old card was cut off and stuck on the new one.[12]
\r\n\r\nIn Amsterdam, the civil service, working together, managed to virtually nullify the intended effect. It managed to arrange that in the Beurs (the Stock Exchange) - where the paper work was issued - a hall manager and several under managers were put in place who were 'good'. Officials of the Register of Births, Deaths and Marriages issued thousands of registration cards for Jews who had already been deported but were still registered as residents. These were passed on to people in hiding via the Beurs. The corners to be cut off came from the cards of deceased people or were simply forged. An estimated 20,000 cards thus became available for the benefit of people in hiding.[12] A study published in 1995 showed that the official sabotage had been completely successful:
\r\n\r\n'In retrospect, it has become clear that Rauter's plan to bring the people in hiding to the surface by introducing the Second Rationing Master Card did indeed fail. Incidentally, the master card could not be put into use until 11 June 1944. By then, Rauter himself knew from the numbers of cards and control stamps issued that the people in hiding had been provided for. His investigation into its causes was not completed due to wartime developments.'[13]\r\n\r\n
Otto Frank's personal card was number TD174/873029z, which indicated the Second Rationing Master Card. He also used this legally after returning from Auschwitz. Anne had the number TD174/163173 and Margot only TD174. Edith had no rationing papers registered at all, but her card was a post-war '2nd copy.' The original card was lost, possibly due to acts of resistance. Pfeffer had TD174-500778ing. The Van Pels family only had the old DSKs, with the addition 'under investigation.' This meant that officials took advantage of the fact that these five (including probably Edith) were still on the Population Register. Whether those cards actually ended up with them is not certain, but given Jan Gies' illegal contacts it's very possible.
\r\n\r\nFrom a public health point of view, the food situation remained adequate until October 1944. For the people in the Secret Annex, however, it was regularly problematic, as they had eight mouths to feed with five cards. Due to the effects of the railway strike, the situation deteriorated rapidly, especially in the cities in the west. The eight people in hiding had been arrested by then.
\r\n\r\nEven after liberation, trade in various foodstuffs remained restricted for some time. Coffee was the last product freely available again from 14 January 1952, bringing an end to food rationing.[14]
\r\n\r\nA difficult problem for people in hiding was food supply. War conditions led to shortages and the government therefore established a distribution system with ration cards and stamp. Those who went into hiding almost always lost immediate access to those means and had to obtain them in a clandestine, and therefore risky, manner. The Secret Annex obtained receipts from two representatives.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noted the arrests of Martin Brouwer and Pieter Daatzelaar, a few days apart, in her diary. She was afraid that shortages would now arise, and she worried about the two.[1] Both men were representatives of the Gies & Co. firm and, although they were not aware of the hiding, they were well acquainted with both Frank and Van Pels. After about two weeks, during which Anne wrote about to the case several times, they were released at four o'clock in the afternoon on 22 March 1944, two weeks after theu had been arrested.[2] The next day Anne also wrote that down in her diary. So she followed the case closely and the good news quickly reached the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nEen lastig probleem voor onderduikers was de voedselvoorziening. De oorlogsomstandigheden leidden tot schaarste en de overheid stelde daarom een distributiesysteem met bonnen in. Wie in onderduik verdween verloor vrijwel altijd direct toegang tot die bonnen en moest daar op clandestiene, en dus riskante, wijze aan zien te komen. Het Achterhuis betrok bonnen van twee vertegenwoordigers.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noteerde de arrestaties van Martin Brouwer en Pieter Daatzelaar, enkele dagen na elkaar, in haar dagboek. Ze was bang dat er nu tekorten zouden ontstaan, en ze maakte zich zorgen om het tweetal.[1] Beide mannen waren vertegenwoordigers van de firma Gies & Co. en waren, hoewel ze niet van de onderduik op de hoogte waren, met Frank en Van Pels wel goed bekend. Na ongeveer twee weken, waarin Anne enkele keren op de zaak terugkomt, werden zij op 22 maart 1944 om vier uur in de middag vrijgelaten, twee weken na hun arrestatie.[2] De volgende dag schreef Anne ook dat in haar dagboek op. Zij volgde de zaak dus op de voet en het goede nieuws had het Achterhuis snel bereikt.
\r\n\r\nA difficult problem for people in hiding was food supply. War conditions led to shortages and the government therefore established a distribution system with ration cards and stamp. Those who went into hiding almost always lost immediate access to those means and had to obtain them in a clandestine, and therefore risky, manner. The Secret Annex obtained receipts from two representatives.
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank noted the arrests of Martin Brouwer and Pieter Daatzelaar, a few days apart, in her diary. She was afraid that shortages would now arise, and she worried about the two.[1] Both men were representatives of the Gies & Co. firm and, although they were not aware of the hiding, they were well acquainted with both Frank and Van Pels. After about two weeks, during which Anne wrote about to the case several times, they were released at four o'clock in the afternoon on 22 March 1944, two weeks after theu had been arrested.[2] The next day Anne also wrote that down in her diary. So she followed the case closely and the good news quickly reached the Secret Annex.
\r\n\r\nA few weeks after the November pogroms, she left Osnabrück and settled in Aerdenhout, Bloemendaal municipality.[1] There she lived with Julius Schloss and his wife.[2] Schloss was a board member of the Bijenkorf department store and previously also of the German department store chain Tietz.[3] After about a year, she moved in with her sister Henny in Amsterdam, before emigrating to Chile a few weeks later.[1]
\r\n\r\nEnkele weken na de Novemberpogroms vertrok zij uit Osnabrück en vestigde zich in Aerdenhout, gemeente Bloemendaal.[1] Daar woonde zij bij Julius Schloss en zijn echtgenote.[2]Schloss was directielid van de Bijenkorf en voorheen ook van de Duitse warenhuisketen Tietz.[3] Hij had, net als diverse anderen, de directie van Tietz al snel na de machtsovername van Hitler moeten verlaten.[4]
\r\n\r\nNa ongeveer een jaar trok Ida in bij haar zus Henny in Amsterdam, alvorens enkele weken later naar Chili te emigreren.[1]
\r\n\r\nA few weeks after the November pogroms, she left Osnabrück and settled in Aerdenhout, Bloemendaal municipality.[1] There she lived with Julius Schloss and his wife.[2] Schloss was a board member of the Bijenkorf department store and previously also of the German department store chain Tietz.[3] After about a year, she moved in with her sister Henny in Amsterdam, before emigrating to Chile a few weeks later.[1]
\r\n\r\nAccommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","same_as":null,"parent":396124413,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bbed7414-1fa4-4417-bca3-a5ee40c96d09","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c05767e4-ac67-4d2e-a8f1-fdcfc93c3cdc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f4d47668-4071-4530-95f0-5c463fddbc60","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b654804b-25a1-4c46-affd-0de941f99790","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05463aca-21a7-4238-8686-0a4a606e10f5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8eb86b87-b516-415d-a0de-410bb88a0ab6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5f77d005-c71e-437e-8877-2ec3088e2031","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/03c56548-11fe-4e75-9a79-f1585bd2372a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b4236d95-43dd-42e6-93d5-c44eaba41b23","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1194af60-b60a-49ae-8762-cf8567fd21fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36022488-7682-43ff-918c-a2b970789006","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c730f47b-7508-4ea2-978e-331073f46ee4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4a5dbef2-cafa-46af-acfe-3470825a92a7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/838a9a83-171f-44ec-8a97-0024ebf8b5b6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36a662f9-f828-44ad-9609-bd8901c723f4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/07627e87-1438-47e2-a29c-847e27ce51c8","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa3cb90f-e2cc-4611-b0cb-316c6202e75b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/92a283be-fc1d-4610-8241-6f9e604e4ce0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/59a5ed20-0f01-42b5-a1da-785936de9c47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84d67272-953d-4e09-8014-20cd8a55bd15","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c65659a4-793a-47f1-a7c5-ee2f49ee46b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/cc6c2172-d1f5-49c4-86b0-c31aa8bd02ea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/903ba158-f1e0-4d0f-b613-eae91df2893e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bd069b91-d876-4eb7-99e7-e62aa158eae4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/995b7432-6739-42b0-9434-5c3801327d6a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b6bed785-6178-42d2-9f90-a90e7730c21e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c9289eb-d4f6-46b8-afe7-5c15df9164c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f3ea591a-9ec2-49fa-aede-0308f0c1ea5e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aab06445-fe04-4578-9fba-19e679b65d6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8f078d07-0749-4824-9317-cca40a1f8c17","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/49fb0306-d233-4742-8133-c98fdba59175","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c6d71313-a017-4e4e-b05c-f56259c2bf72","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/592362c0-d64f-42be-8319-f7e3973610d3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6a58ce7e-02e2-4517-85ce-5b03eb20b753","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0bfa905d-38bd-4422-85ed-a4f2ecc7b506","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7e61c0df-f509-437a-8f9f-5d70bdd92934","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b7c73757-981c-409e-95cc-cc8eab873a93","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/150fa41e-02ba-4cae-9f32-62460252007f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/043a50b5-46ac-4222-8001-6ad28d51a1e2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/da7429b4-b23f-4947-b6d8-e5e6c0f143c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6660d32e-d2b0-468d-b7e7-01ceefc4376d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05693431-6b99-47b4-8e47-59ab3e95a889","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04f5ebdc-fe09-4ce6-991b-cf851a81c198","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a423c2ce-aac1-4ff6-86b1-f5233e4b77ff","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0ccf3db9-1774-4848-ad11-627e3fc64cea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bd22a6-e3e0-45e6-9bef-449b9894f0db","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db15398a-d845-4147-9ceb-1530e7e9a4e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b5ad5b8d-2494-42ad-bf1f-d2a1f9250bb2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2c4e9ad5-bb38-4440-ae2f-7b3fc3fba34a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db594671-5a23-4c77-94e5-719f47bf03e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e8477cf1-0664-404d-a851-fe6a97e01e47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7d0da592-ac93-4786-b1c3-932a0fd9dcf5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ff53ce1-d866-4190-a138-16c32a9eca43"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/4837c7f7-8098-4daf-8fb4-3408adb041fd/","published":true,"name":"Westerduinweg, Aerdenhout","name_nl":"Westerduinweg, Aerdenhout","name_en":"Westerduinweg, Aerdenhout","uuid":"4837c7f7-8098-4daf-8fb4-3408adb041fd","content":"","content_nl":"","content_en":"","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.579472 52.369535)","summary":"This was the home address of Julius Schloss, former director of the German department store chain Tietz.","summary_nl":"Dit was het woonadres van Julius Schloss, ex-directielid van de Duitse warenhuisketen Tietz.","summary_en":"This was the home address of Julius Schloss, former director of the German department store chain Tietz.","same_as":null,"street":"Westerduinweg 6","zipcode":"","city":"Aerdenhout, gemeente Bloemendaal","state":"","land":"Nederland","location_events":[100]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/4397bfde-3eb0-4177-b84b-a8ce859856d6/","published":true,"uuid":"4397bfde-3eb0-4177-b84b-a8ce859856d6","name":"Ida van Pels registers in Aerdenhout","name_nl":"Ida van Pels ingeschreven in Aerdenhout","name_en":"Ida van Pels registers in Aerdenhout","content":"A few weeks after the November pogroms, she left Osnabrück and settled in Aerdenhout, Bloemendaal municipality.[1] There she lived with Julius Schloss and his wife.[2] Schloss was a board member of the Bijenkorf department store and previously also of the German department store chain Tietz.[3] After about a year, she moved in with her sister Henny in Amsterdam, before emigrating to Chile a few weeks later.[1]
\r\n\r\nEnkele weken na de Novemberpogroms vertrok zij uit Osnabrück en vestigde zich in Aerdenhout, gemeente Bloemendaal.[1] Daar woonde zij bij Julius Schloss en zijn echtgenote.[2]Schloss was directielid van de Bijenkorf en voorheen ook van de Duitse warenhuisketen Tietz.[3] Hij had, net als diverse anderen, de directie van Tietz al snel na de machtsovername van Hitler moeten verlaten.[4]
\r\n\r\nNa ongeveer een jaar trok Ida in bij haar zus Henny in Amsterdam, alvorens enkele weken later naar Chili te emigreren.[1]
\r\n\r\nA few weeks after the November pogroms, she left Osnabrück and settled in Aerdenhout, Bloemendaal municipality.[1] There she lived with Julius Schloss and his wife.[2] Schloss was a board member of the Bijenkorf department store and previously also of the German department store chain Tietz.[3] After about a year, she moved in with her sister Henny in Amsterdam, before emigrating to Chile a few weeks later.[1]
\r\n\r\nGroßhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen, a wholesale business in butcher's equipment, was situated at Luisenstraße 32 in Osnabrück.[1] The company was founded by Aäron van Pels, Hermann van Pels's father. The company was registered with the Industrie- und Handelskammer on 31 July 1922. It was favourably located in the proximity of the Osnabrück slaughterhouse. Due to the antisemitic measures taken by the National Socialist regime, the company was struck from the register on 19 September 1938.[2]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels worked there from around 1932 until he emigrated to the Netherlands. He was the Verkaufer im Außendienst (sales representative) and it is estimated that he earned about 500 to 600 RM a month.[1] He worked fulltime [3] and travelled mainly to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\nHet bedrijf Großhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen was gevestigd op de Luisenstraße 32 te Osnabrück.[1] Deze zaak werd opgezet door Aäron van Pels, de vader van Hermann van Pels. Inschrijving bij de Industrie- und Handelskammer gebeurde op 31 juli 1922. Uitschrijving, als gevolg van de antisemitische maatregelen van het nationaal-socialistische regime, volgde op 19 september 1938.[2] Door de nabijheid van het Osnabrücker slachthuis was de bedrijfslocatie gunstig.
\r\n\r\nZoon Hermann van Pels werkte hier ongeveer van 1932 tot zijn emigratie naar Nederland. Hij was Verkaufer im Außendienst en hij verdiende naar schatting 500 à 600 RM per maand.[1] Het was een voltijdfunctie[3] en hij bereisde vooral Oldenburg en Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\nGroßhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen, a wholesale business in butcher's equipment, was situated at Luisenstraße 32 in Osnabrück.[1] The company was founded by Aäron van Pels, Hermann van Pels's father. The company was registered with the Industrie- und Handelskammer on 31 July 1922. It was favourably located in the proximity of the Osnabrück slaughterhouse. Due to the antisemitic measures taken by the National Socialist regime, the company was struck from the register on 19 September 1938.[2]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels worked there from around 1932 until he emigrated to the Netherlands. He was the Verkaufer im Außendienst (sales representative) and it is estimated that he earned about 500 to 600 RM a month.[1] He worked fulltime [3] and travelled mainly to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\nThe objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","description_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.
","description_en":"The objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","summary":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","summary_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.","summary_en":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/2210"],"parent":null,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04bc398b-9132-421d-be07-26d89aecf727","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e81eeb71-37e6-4299-9a32-d4d419af2117","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84898f4e-5c32-47d1-bff4-d377c343c5b2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5e6e4c0b-e255-4b81-9abc-a8b22fd9d87c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/17e62508-f7db-41ee-bf60-e7f87d4dd63c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2aaa7b1a-46b7-49f3-9908-dd3a35052bd6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fca17b8f-5066-4200-a73e-76bccc6ef720","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1a319571-a93e-4566-9396-a4d6e61833ed","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/41740528-a1d2-4a88-8b7c-c78e01a8ee6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aedb3425-3b2c-4479-9d12-9ff63918c0b7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ea19e0cf-5fd7-4bb6-9dd9-63c328018639","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4caabcc8-204b-438d-915c-1e6ea54630bb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/83d54925-63d3-43a3-9f96-a9535224eb3d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6ef7b88e-bdae-4edb-8265-23201452f19b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0f90d12e-14ef-4acb-b44f-c3692319565a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/18a78a8e-12a1-4e8c-b38f-20ab70ff1da5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f2e450aa-840f-4dd8-84cf-548ce515e6d0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ce70ffc-474f-4743-a9a8-dd4ed4e59c77","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/56d301cf-e04e-47fd-884b-6685a83f00b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa46b11f-7c2b-4fbc-ac9b-82fb58e805a6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/22e16ce9-e2a5-476f-b517-7e48026e719e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f9bad9c3-50bb-41b5-b528-74c36e40d028","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6b0dbaa0-4815-4f3e-ab1c-e0ee6196188e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c885285f-6d92-48fc-817f-543f6f20f9bf","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c893854-c6f4-4ec1-8bc7-3f53d91174cc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/45c5caab-86df-4b28-91ba-f2d9fd02d20e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ce8468a7-c299-43c3-a730-4b3009a56059","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a4257fc0-726f-49b3-9912-80a4aacbacbb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bc55a0-7741-4259-a387-42959e20d899","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/caa75771-165a-46ed-a848-c3a9df9eb52c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ceacea5d-5d1a-4618-9cdc-de7c26765040","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f0eef6aa-3307-4bab-899c-0d69504e3eb0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6e696049-a72e-459b-beba-e66fc4cbf66f"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/0cfff667-b7b7-42e2-b01b-848d60758275/","published":true,"name":"Großhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen","name_nl":"Großhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen","name_en":"Großhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen","uuid":"0cfff667-b7b7-42e2-b01b-848d60758275","content":"Address: Luisenstraße 32, Osnabrück.[1]
\r\n\r\nThis business in butcher shop supplies was set up by Aäron van Pels, the father of Hermann van Pels. Registration with the Chamber of Industry and Commerce took place on 31 July 1922. As a result of the anti-Semitic measures of the National Socialist regime, is was deleted from the register on 19 September 1938.[2] Due to the proximity of the Osnabrücker slaughterhouse, the company was conveniently located.
\r\n\r\nHermann worked here approximately from 1932 until his emigration to the Netherlands. He was a sales representative, a full-time job,[3] and he traveled especially to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4] He earned an estimated Reichsmark 500 to RM 600 per month.[1]
\r\n\r\nAdres: Luisenstraße 32, Osnabrück.[1]
\r\n\r\nDeze zaak in slagerijbenodigdheden werd opgezet door Aäron van Pels, de vader van Hermann van Pels. Inschrijving bij de Industrie- und Handelskammer gebeurde op 31 juli 1922. Uitschrijving, als gevolg van de antisemitische maatregelen van het nationaal-socialistische regime, volgde op 19 september 1938.[2] Door de nabijheid van het Osnabrücker slachthuis was de bedrijfslocatie gunstig.
\r\n\r\nHermann werkte hier ongeveer van 1932 tot zijn emigratie naar Nederland. Hij was Verkaufer im Außendienst , een voltijdfunctie[3] en hij bereisde vooral Oldenburg en Ostfriesland.[4]Hij verdiende naar schatting 500 à 600 RM per maand.[1]
\r\n\r\nAddress: Luisenstraße 32, Osnabrück.[1]
\r\n\r\nThis business in butcher shop supplies was set up by Aäron van Pels, the father of Hermann van Pels. Registration with the Chamber of Industry and Commerce took place on 31 July 1922. As a result of the anti-Semitic measures of the National Socialist regime, is was deleted from the register on 19 September 1938.[2] Due to the proximity of the Osnabrücker slaughterhouse, the company was conveniently located.
\r\n\r\nHermann worked here approximately from 1932 until his emigration to the Netherlands. He was a sales representative, a full-time job,[3] and he traveled especially to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4] He earned an estimated Reichsmark 500 to RM 600 per month.[1]
\r\n\r\nGroßhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen, a wholesale business in butcher's equipment, was situated at Luisenstraße 32 in Osnabrück.[1] The company was founded by Aäron van Pels, Hermann van Pels's father. The company was registered with the Industrie- und Handelskammer on 31 July 1922. It was favourably located in the proximity of the Osnabrück slaughterhouse. Due to the antisemitic measures taken by the National Socialist regime, the company was struck from the register on 19 September 1938.[2]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels worked there from around 1932 until he emigrated to the Netherlands. He was the Verkaufer im Außendienst (sales representative) and it is estimated that he earned about 500 to 600 RM a month.[1] He worked fulltime [3] and travelled mainly to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\nHet bedrijf Großhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen was gevestigd op de Luisenstraße 32 te Osnabrück.[1] Deze zaak werd opgezet door Aäron van Pels, de vader van Hermann van Pels. Inschrijving bij de Industrie- und Handelskammer gebeurde op 31 juli 1922. Uitschrijving, als gevolg van de antisemitische maatregelen van het nationaal-socialistische regime, volgde op 19 september 1938.[2] Door de nabijheid van het Osnabrücker slachthuis was de bedrijfslocatie gunstig.
\r\n\r\nZoon Hermann van Pels werkte hier ongeveer van 1932 tot zijn emigratie naar Nederland. Hij was Verkaufer im Außendienst en hij verdiende naar schatting 500 à 600 RM per maand.[1] Het was een voltijdfunctie[3] en hij bereisde vooral Oldenburg en Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\nGroßhandlung im Metzgerei-Bedarfsartikelen, a wholesale business in butcher's equipment, was situated at Luisenstraße 32 in Osnabrück.[1] The company was founded by Aäron van Pels, Hermann van Pels's father. The company was registered with the Industrie- und Handelskammer on 31 July 1922. It was favourably located in the proximity of the Osnabrück slaughterhouse. Due to the antisemitic measures taken by the National Socialist regime, the company was struck from the register on 19 September 1938.[2]
\r\n\r\nHermann van Pels worked there from around 1932 until he emigrated to the Netherlands. He was the Verkaufer im Außendienst (sales representative) and it is estimated that he earned about 500 to 600 RM a month.[1] He worked fulltime [3] and travelled mainly to Oldenburg and Ostfriesland.[4]
\r\n\r\n