On the night of 11 to 12 January 1943, unknown persons broke the cellar lock and made off with 24 cases of wine. Six hundred bottles in all, which, according to the owner, represented a total value of nine thousand guilders. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller reported the theft to the Marnixstraat police station on the afternoon of 12 January 1943. The 'atelier' was also notified, meaning that the criminal investigation department started looking for fingerprints and other traces at the scene.[1] It is not known to what extent the criminal investigation extended to the surrounding area.
\r\n\r\nIn de nacht van 11 op 12 januari 1943 braken onbekenden het kelderslot open en verdwenen met 24 kisten wijn. Bij elkaar ging het om zeshonderd flessen, die volgens de eigenaar een totale waarde van negenduizend gulden vertegenwoordigden. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller deed er in de middag van 12 januari op bureau Marnixstraat aangifte van. Ook werd het 'atelier' ingelicht, wat betekent dat de recherche er naar vingerafdrukken en andere sporen ging zoeken.[1] In hoeverre het rechercheonderzoek zich tot de omgeving uitstrekte is niet bekend.
\r\n\r\nOn the night of 11 to 12 January 1943, unknown persons broke the cellar lock and made off with 24 cases of wine. Six hundred bottles in all, which, according to the owner, represented a total value of nine thousand guilders. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller reported the theft to the Marnixstraat police station on the afternoon of 12 January 1943. The 'atelier' was also notified, meaning that the criminal investigation department started looking for fingerprints and other traces at the scene.[1] It is not known to what extent the criminal investigation extended to the surrounding area.
\r\n\r\nOne of the neighboring buildings next to the Secret Annex was home to the upholsterer's store Elhoek. In November 1941, money had already been stolen from the electric meter at Elhoek. In the night of 7-8 April 1943, money and a typewriter were stolen from the business.
","content_nl":"In de een van de buurpanden naast het Achterhuis was stoffeerderzaak Elhoek gevestigd. In november 1941 was er bij Elhoek al eens geld uit de elektrameter gestolen. In de nacht van 7 op 8 april 1943 werd er geld en een schrijfmachine uit het bedrijf gestolen.
","content_en":"One of the neighboring buildings next to the Secret Annex was home to the upholsterer's store Elhoek. In November 1941, money had already been stolen from the electric meter at Elhoek. In the night of 7-8 April 1943, money and a typewriter were stolen from the business.
","date":null,"date_start":"1943-04-07","date_end":"1943-04-08","summary":"Burglars stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter from the business.","summary_nl":"Insluipers ontvreemdden zeshonderd gulden en een schrijfmachine uit het bedrijf.","summary_en":"Burglars stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter from the business.","same_as":null,"files":[]}],"subjects":[{"id":196,"image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/onderwerpen/29abb87c-1833-4c97-9fc9-33c21427ac82/","published":true,"uuid":"29abb87c-1833-4c97-9fc9-33c21427ac82","name":"Threats: outsiders, burglars, fire, embezzlement and threats from the air","name_nl":"Bedreigingen: buitenstaanders, inbrekers, brand, verduistering en luchtgevaar","name_en":"Threats: outsiders, burglars, fire, embezzlement and threats from the air","description":"Staying unnoticed in the Secret Annex was threatened in several ways. Besides the chance that unwitting visitors or neighbours of the building might notice something, there was the possibility of burglars, fire in or near the building, light escaping and airborne threats. The people in hiding and the helpers were very alert to risky situations and did a lot to avoid risks.
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne repeatedly expressed her fear of outsiders in the building. In some cases these were strangers, but certainly not always. The sales representatives, pharmacist Arthur Lewinsohn, the accountant and some warehouse men were more or less acquaintances. The plumber, the cleaner, the carpenter and the other warehouse men were strangers to the people in hiding - as far as we know. The acquaintances also posed a threat in Anne's eyes. There was unease when Ans Broks said that she wanted to come to the office for coffee every day at two o'clock.[1] From time to time, Anne's diary provides clues showing that the people in hiding also took into account the possibility that people living or working in neighbouring premises would discover their presence.
\r\n\r\nOne morning, when Peter van Pels had forgotten to open the bolt on the inside of the street door, Victor Kugler and the warehousemen could not get in. Kugler had to go through the premises of wholesaler Keg on Prinsengracht 265 and only just managed to prevent one of the neighbours from climbing in via a ladder.[2]
\r\n\r\nSeveral break-ins and attempted break-ins are referred to in Anne's diaries and narratives. Brother and sister Wijnberg, who lived at Prinsengracht 251 during the period in hiding, said in an interview that they had been in the building as children on 24 March 1943 and had stolen muscatel nuts there.[3] Anne writes a day later about her first encounter with the phenomenon of burglars.[4] The break-in of 9 April 1944 is also confirmed by a police report, when the passing night watchman Martonus Slegers noticed the kicked-in door.[5] The B-version mentions a burglary on the night of 15-16 July 1943. According to the same passage, there had also been an unsuccessful attempt six weeks earlier.[6] In the A-version, Anne writes about a thief who may have entered with a false key, or at least nothing could be seen on the outside door.[7]
\r\n\r\nThe wider area, of course, also had to deal with crime. At Keg at Prinsengracht 265, police reports do not reveal any burglaries during the hiding period, but according to the 1963 official report of the National Criminal Investigation Department, there were burglaries. According to the State Investigation Department, by necessity, staff were even regularly present at night.[8] The daughter of branch manager Jacob Boon knew that her father spent the night in his office more than once during the war years.[9] In the night of 7-8 April 1943, burglars broke into Elhoek furniture factory at number 261 and stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter.[10] In November 1941, a coin meter of the Municipal Energy Company (GEB) had also been emptied there.[11] A few years earlier, the contents of a coin meter in the later Opekta premises had also been stolen by burglars.[12] Given GEB's policy in the 'small business' market, it was highly plausible that that meter had stayed behind after Opekta's arrival in the late 1940s.[13] Theft from coin meters was a very common phenomenon. So the presence of such meters certainly posed an additional risk.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman and Victor Kugler reported no burglaries or thefts on their premises during the period in hiding, as far as can be verified. Then, in January 1945, Johan Broks - Kugler was still in prison at the time - reported the theft of seventy kilos of sugar from Gies & Co.[14]
\r\n\r\nBuilding plans for Elhoek's premises at Prinsengracht 261, made in June 1940, show that people there were working with flammable materials and techniques, as they included extensive recommendations on self-closing doors, escape routes and a fire-extinguishing riser.[15] In the Opekta premises, fire hazards were also taken into account. A few months before going into hiding, there was a small fire when packaging material lying too close to a stove caught fire.[16] There were 'Minimax' appliances in several places. One was mounted on the landing in front of the bookcase. That location was 'peripheral' from a company point of view, and might have been chosen with the people in hiding in mind: outside the bookcase, allowing periodic maintenance to take place without problems - at least in theory. In the B-version of the diary, Anne writes, with the date 20 October 1942, that they 'got' these devices in the house, which she later changes to 'have'. It is therefore possible that they were fitted in the autumn of 1942, but there is no clarity on this.
\r\n\r\nDue to war conditions, strict blackout measures applied. Users of residential and other buildings were obliged to take measures to prevent light escaping between sunset and sunrise. In winter, curtains had to remain closed for up to 14 hours a day.[17] Police and Air Protection were quick to take action against violators. In the evening of 4 March 1941, officers kicked in the entrance door of the Opekta premises because a light was on in the hall.[18] Of course, when the period of hiding began, the people in hiding and helpers had not yet forgotten this. Anne's writings often refer to the closing and opening of the blackout curtains.[19] During the 1958 restoration, many window frames were replaced. However, some original frames from the Van Pels room are still in the museum collection, and the added constructions for blackout curtains are still attached.[20]
\r\n\r\nAnne's frequent comments on shots, sirens and alarms have been compared, where possible, with the air hazard reports preserved in the Amsterdam police archives. A few significant instances of 'air hazard' are shown here.
\r\n\r\nIn the event of an air siren, everyone was obliged to go to the nearest shelter or otherwise take cover. "If the air siren sounds [...] get off the streets!", Nieuws van den Dag, 13 September 1940. On the morning of 6 July 1942, there was no air siren, which would have meant a serious complication for the Franks on their way to Prinsengracht.
\r\n\r\nStarting on 10 July 1943, Rauter introduced an 'pre-alarm', which indicated that Allied aircraft were entering Dutch airspace without any immediate bomb attacks being expected. The alert was designated an 'air hazard warning'.[21] A week or two later, Anne mentions the use of this pre-alarm in the B-version when she writes about the air attacks on the Fokker factory in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] The repeated alarms she lists in her retrospectively written B note that day correspond to the alarms noted by the police in their register.[23] This makes it plausible that she used her original - and vanished - notes from July 1943 for this B note.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, a bomber crashed into a school in Spaarndammerstraat, less than one and a half kilometres from the Secret Annex.[24] During the air battle Anne witnessed on 3 May 1944, a plane crashed in Van Bossestraat.[25] This was also a short distance from the Secret Annex. Planes also crashed in Tuindorp Oostzaan and Grote IJpolder that day.[26] Finally, a plane also crashed into the Carlton Hotel at the end of April.[25]
\r\n\r\nRelated to the dangers from the air and from anti-aircraft guns was the threat of acts of war and evacuations in the west of the Netherlands. Anne writes at length in early 1944 about the discussions between the people in hiding and the helpers when this danger threatened to take concrete forms.[27]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were very concerned with their safety. They had all kinds of agreements and arrangements to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Although compliance slackened from time to time, they kept them reasonably well. Neither they nor the people helping them had any control over some dangers: there was obviously nothing they could have done about falling bombs or crashing aircraft. There are no reasons to suspect that laxity or underestimation of security measures contributed to their eventual arrest.
\r\n\r\nHet onopgemerkte verblijf in het Achterhuis werd op verschillende manieren bedreigd. Naast de kans dat onwetende bezoekers of omwonenden van het pand iets merkten, was er nog de kans op inbrekers, brand in of bij het gebouw, lichtuitstraling en luchtgevaar. Onderduikers en helpers waren zeer alert op riskante situaties en deden er veel aan om risico’s te vermijden.
\r\n\r\nVooral in de beginperiode kwam Annes angst voor buitenstaanders in het gebouw herhaaldelijk tot uitdrukking. In sommige gevallen waren dit vreemden, maar zeker niet altijd. De vertegenwoordigers, apotheker Arthus Lewinsohn, de accountant en sommige pakhuismannen waren min of meer bekenden. De loodgieter, de werkster, de timmerman en de andere pakhuismannen waren voor de onderduikers – voor zover we weten – onbekenden. Ook de bekenden vormden in Annes ogen een bedreiging. Er ontstond onrust toen Ans Broks te kennen gaf dat ze elke dag om twee uur op kantoor koffie wilde komen drinken.[1] Annes dagboek geeft af en toe aanwijzingen waaruit blijkt dat de onderduikers eveneens rekening hielden met de mogelijkheid dat mensen die in de buurpanden woonden of werkten hun aanwezigheid zouden ontdekken.
\r\n\r\nToen op een ochtend Peter van Pels was vergeten de grendel aan de binnenkant van de straatdeur te halen, konden Victor Kugler en de magazijnmannen niet naar binnen. Kugler moest via het pand van groothandel Keg op de Prinsengracht 265 en kon maar op het nippertje voorkomen dat een van de buren langs een ladder naar binnen klom.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn Annes dagboeken en verhaaltjes komen verschillende inbraken en pogingen daartoe voor. Broer en zus Wijnberg, die tijdens de onderduikperiode op Prinsengracht 251 woonden, vertelden in een interview dat ze op 24 maart 1943 als kind in het pand geweest waren en dat ze daar muskaatnoten hadden weggenomen.[3] Anne schrijft een dag later over haar eerste kennismaking met het fenomeen inbrekers.[4] De inbraak van 9 april 1944 wordt ook door een politierapport bevestigd, en wel doordat de passerende nachtwaker Martinus Slegers de ingetrapte deur opmerkte.[5] De B-versie vermeldt in de nacht van 15 op 16 juli 1943 een inbraak. Volgens diezelfde notitie was er zes weken eerder ook al een mislukte poging geweest.[6] In de A-versie schrijft Anne over een dief die mogelijk met een valse sleutel binnenkwam, althans er was aan de buitendeur niets te zien.[7]
\r\n\r\nDe wijdere omgeving kreeg uiteraard eveneens met criminaliteit te maken. Bij Keg op de Prinsengracht 265 zijn uit de politierapporten geen inbraken tijdens de onderduikperiode bekend, maar volgens het proces-verbaal van de Rijksrecherche uit 1963 zijn die er wel geweest. Volgens de Rijksrecherche was het personeel noodgedwongen zelfs geregeld ’s nachts aanwezig.[8] De dochter van filiaalchef Jacob Boon wist dat haar vader in de oorlogsjaren meer dan eens in zijn kantoor overnachtte.[9] In de nacht van 7 op 8 april 1943 drongen insluipers bij meubelfabriek Elhoek op nummer 261 binnen en stalen daar zeshonderd gulden en een schrijfmachine.[10] In november 1941 was daar ook al eens een muntmeter van het Gemeentelijk Energiebedrijf (GEB) leeggehaald.[11] Enkele jaren eerder was ook in het latere Opekta-pand de inhoud van een muntmeter door inbrekers gestolen.[12] Gezien het beleid van het GEB in de ‘klein-zakelijke’ markt was het zeer aannemelijk dat die meter na de komst van Opekta eind 1940 was blijven hangen.[13] Diefstal uit muntmeters was een zeer veel voorkomend verschijnsel. De aanwezigheid van zulke meters leverde dus zeker een extra risico op.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman en Victor Kugler maakten tijdens de onderduikperiode, voor zover na te gaan, geen melding van inbraken en diefstallen in hun pand. Daarna, in januari 1945, gaf Johan Broks - Kugler zat dan nog gevangen - namens Gies & Co. de diefstal van zeventig kilo suiker aan.[14]
\r\n\r\nBouwplannen voor het pand van Elhoek op Prinsengracht 261, gemaakt in juni 1940, tonen dat men daar met brandgevaarlijke materialen en technieken werkte, daar er uitgebreide adviezen omtrent zelfsluitende deuren, vluchtwegen en een brandblusleiding in waren opgenomen.[15] In het Opekta-pand werd ook rekening gehouden met brandgevaar. Een paar maanden voor de onderduik was er een klein brandje, toen verpakkingsmateriaal dat te dicht bij een kachel lag vlam vatte.[16] Er bevonden zich op verschillende plaatsen zogenaamde Minimax-toestellen. Een ervan hing op het overloopje voor de boekenkast. Die locatie was vanuit bedrijfsoogpunt ‘perifeer’, en zou met het oog op de onderduikers kunnen zijn gekozen: buiten de boekenkast, waardoor periodiek onderhoud – althans in theorie – probleemloos kon gebeuren. In de B-versie van het dagboek schrijft Anne, met de datum 20 oktober 1942, dat ze deze toestellen in huis ‘krijgen’, wat ze later wijzigt in ‘hebben’. Mogelijk zijn deze dus in de herfst van 1942 aangebracht, maar duidelijkheid is daar niet over.
\r\n\r\nVanwege de oorlogsomstandigheden golden er strikte verduisteringsmaatregelen. Gebruikers van woonhuizen en andere gebouwen waren verplicht maatregelen te treffen die tussen zonsondergang en zonsopgang lichtuitstraling moesten voorkomen. In de winter moesten de gordijnen tot veertien uur per etmaal gesloten blijven.[17] Optreden van politie en Luchtbescherming tegen overtreders was aan de orde van de dag. In de avond van 4 maart 1941 trapten agenten de toegangsdeur van het Opekta-pand in omdat in de hal een lamp brandde.[18] Toen de onderduik begon, ware onderduikers en helpers dat uiteraard nog niet vergeten. Het ver- en ontduisteren is in Annes geschriften herhaaldelijk aanwezig.[19] Tijdens de restauratie van 1958 zijn veel raamkozijnen vervangen. Van de Van Pels-kamer zijn enkele originelen echter nog in de museale collectie aanwezig en de hulpconstructies voor de verduistering zitten er nog aan.[20]
\r\n\r\nDe regelmatig terugkerende opmerkingen van Anne over schieten, sirenes en alarmeringen zijn waar mogelijk vergeleken met de luchtgevaarmeldingen die in het Amsterdamse politiearchief zijn bewaard. Een aantal in het oog lopende gevallen van ‘luchtgevaar’ is hier weergegeven.
\r\n\r\nIn geval van luchtalarm is een ieder verplicht naar de dichtstbijzijnde schuilkelder te gaan of op andere wijze dekking te zoeken.“Bij luchtalarm [...] van de straat!”, Nieuws van den Dag, 13 september 1940. In de ochtend van 6 juli 1942 is er geen luchtalarm, wat voor de Franks op weg naar de Prinsengracht een ernstige complicatie zou hebben betekend.
\r\n\r\nMet ingang van 10 juli 1943 introduceerde Rauter een ‘vooralarm’, dat aangaf dat geallieerde vliegtuigen het Nederlandse luchtruim binnenkwamen zonder dat direct bomaanvallen waren te verwachten. Het signaal droeg de benaming “waarschuwing luchtgevaar”.[21] Een week of twee later noemt Anne in de B-versie het gebruik van dit vooralarm als ze schrijft over de luchtaanvallen op de Fokker-fabriek in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] De herhaaldelijke alarmeringen die ze die dag in haar in retrospectief geschreven B-notitie opsomt, stemmen overeen met de alarmeringen die de politie in haar register noteert.[23] Dat maakt aannemelijk dat ze voor deze B-notitie haar originele - en verdwenen - notities uit juli ’43 gebruikte.
\r\n\r\nIn maart 1944 kwam een bommenwerper neer op een school in de Spaarndammerstraat, op nog geen anderhalve kilometer van het Achterhuis.[24] Tijdens het luchtgevecht waar Anne op 3 mei 1944 getuige van was, stortte een vliegtuig in de Van Bossestraat neer.[25] Dit was ook op korte afstand van het Achterhuis. Ook in Tuindorp Oostzaan en de Grote IJpolder kwamen die dag vliegtuigen neer.[26] Ten slotte stortte er eind april ook nog een vliegtuig neer op het Carlton Hotel.[25]
\r\n\r\nVerwant aan de gevaren vanuit de lucht en van afweergeschut was de dreiging van oorlogshandelingen en evacuaties in het westen van Nederland. Anne schrijft begin ‘44 uitvoerig over de discussies tussen onderduikers en helpers als dit gevaar concrete vormen dreigt aan te nemen.[27]
\r\n\r\nDe onderduikers waeen erg bezig met hun veiligheid. Ze hadden allerlei afspraken en regelingen om te voorkomen dat ze de aandacht op zich zouden vestigen. Hoewel het handhaven af en toe verslapte, hielden ze zich daar redelijk aan. Op sommige gevaren hadden zij noch de helpers enige invloed: tegen vallende bommen of neerstortende vliegtuigen was uiteraard geen kruid gewassen. Er zijn geen redenen om te vermoeden dat laksheid of onderschatting van de veiligheidsmaatregelen aan de uiteindelijke arrestatie hebben bijgedragen.
\r\n\r\nStaying unnoticed in the Secret Annex was threatened in several ways. Besides the chance that unwitting visitors or neighbours of the building might notice something, there was the possibility of burglars, fire in or near the building, light escaping and airborne threats. The people in hiding and the helpers were very alert to risky situations and did a lot to avoid risks.
\r\n\r\nEspecially in the early days, Anne repeatedly expressed her fear of outsiders in the building. In some cases these were strangers, but certainly not always. The sales representatives, pharmacist Arthur Lewinsohn, the accountant and some warehouse men were more or less acquaintances. The plumber, the cleaner, the carpenter and the other warehouse men were strangers to the people in hiding - as far as we know. The acquaintances also posed a threat in Anne's eyes. There was unease when Ans Broks said that she wanted to come to the office for coffee every day at two o'clock.[1] From time to time, Anne's diary provides clues showing that the people in hiding also took into account the possibility that people living or working in neighbouring premises would discover their presence.
\r\n\r\nOne morning, when Peter van Pels had forgotten to open the bolt on the inside of the street door, Victor Kugler and the warehousemen could not get in. Kugler had to go through the premises of wholesaler Keg on Prinsengracht 265 and only just managed to prevent one of the neighbours from climbing in via a ladder.[2]
\r\n\r\nSeveral break-ins and attempted break-ins are referred to in Anne's diaries and narratives. Brother and sister Wijnberg, who lived at Prinsengracht 251 during the period in hiding, said in an interview that they had been in the building as children on 24 March 1943 and had stolen muscatel nuts there.[3] Anne writes a day later about her first encounter with the phenomenon of burglars.[4] The break-in of 9 April 1944 is also confirmed by a police report, when the passing night watchman Martonus Slegers noticed the kicked-in door.[5] The B-version mentions a burglary on the night of 15-16 July 1943. According to the same passage, there had also been an unsuccessful attempt six weeks earlier.[6] In the A-version, Anne writes about a thief who may have entered with a false key, or at least nothing could be seen on the outside door.[7]
\r\n\r\nThe wider area, of course, also had to deal with crime. At Keg at Prinsengracht 265, police reports do not reveal any burglaries during the hiding period, but according to the 1963 official report of the National Criminal Investigation Department, there were burglaries. According to the State Investigation Department, by necessity, staff were even regularly present at night.[8] The daughter of branch manager Jacob Boon knew that her father spent the night in his office more than once during the war years.[9] In the night of 7-8 April 1943, burglars broke into Elhoek furniture factory at number 261 and stole six hundred guilders and a typewriter.[10] In November 1941, a coin meter of the Municipal Energy Company (GEB) had also been emptied there.[11] A few years earlier, the contents of a coin meter in the later Opekta premises had also been stolen by burglars.[12] Given GEB's policy in the 'small business' market, it was highly plausible that that meter had stayed behind after Opekta's arrival in the late 1940s.[13] Theft from coin meters was a very common phenomenon. So the presence of such meters certainly posed an additional risk.
\r\n\r\nJohannes Kleiman and Victor Kugler reported no burglaries or thefts on their premises during the period in hiding, as far as can be verified. Then, in January 1945, Johan Broks - Kugler was still in prison at the time - reported the theft of seventy kilos of sugar from Gies & Co.[14]
\r\n\r\nBuilding plans for Elhoek's premises at Prinsengracht 261, made in June 1940, show that people there were working with flammable materials and techniques, as they included extensive recommendations on self-closing doors, escape routes and a fire-extinguishing riser.[15] In the Opekta premises, fire hazards were also taken into account. A few months before going into hiding, there was a small fire when packaging material lying too close to a stove caught fire.[16] There were 'Minimax' appliances in several places. One was mounted on the landing in front of the bookcase. That location was 'peripheral' from a company point of view, and might have been chosen with the people in hiding in mind: outside the bookcase, allowing periodic maintenance to take place without problems - at least in theory. In the B-version of the diary, Anne writes, with the date 20 October 1942, that they 'got' these devices in the house, which she later changes to 'have'. It is therefore possible that they were fitted in the autumn of 1942, but there is no clarity on this.
\r\n\r\nDue to war conditions, strict blackout measures applied. Users of residential and other buildings were obliged to take measures to prevent light escaping between sunset and sunrise. In winter, curtains had to remain closed for up to 14 hours a day.[17] Police and Air Protection were quick to take action against violators. In the evening of 4 March 1941, officers kicked in the entrance door of the Opekta premises because a light was on in the hall.[18] Of course, when the period of hiding began, the people in hiding and helpers had not yet forgotten this. Anne's writings often refer to the closing and opening of the blackout curtains.[19] During the 1958 restoration, many window frames were replaced. However, some original frames from the Van Pels room are still in the museum collection, and the added constructions for blackout curtains are still attached.[20]
\r\n\r\nAnne's frequent comments on shots, sirens and alarms have been compared, where possible, with the air hazard reports preserved in the Amsterdam police archives. A few significant instances of 'air hazard' are shown here.
\r\n\r\nIn the event of an air siren, everyone was obliged to go to the nearest shelter or otherwise take cover. "If the air siren sounds [...] get off the streets!", Nieuws van den Dag, 13 September 1940. On the morning of 6 July 1942, there was no air siren, which would have meant a serious complication for the Franks on their way to Prinsengracht.
\r\n\r\nStarting on 10 July 1943, Rauter introduced an 'pre-alarm', which indicated that Allied aircraft were entering Dutch airspace without any immediate bomb attacks being expected. The alert was designated an 'air hazard warning'.[21] A week or two later, Anne mentions the use of this pre-alarm in the B-version when she writes about the air attacks on the Fokker factory in Amsterdam-Noord.[22] The repeated alarms she lists in her retrospectively written B note that day correspond to the alarms noted by the police in their register.[23] This makes it plausible that she used her original - and vanished - notes from July 1943 for this B note.
\r\n\r\nIn March 1944, a bomber crashed into a school in Spaarndammerstraat, less than one and a half kilometres from the Secret Annex.[24] During the air battle Anne witnessed on 3 May 1944, a plane crashed in Van Bossestraat.[25] This was also a short distance from the Secret Annex. Planes also crashed in Tuindorp Oostzaan and Grote IJpolder that day.[26] Finally, a plane also crashed into the Carlton Hotel at the end of April.[25]
\r\n\r\nRelated to the dangers from the air and from anti-aircraft guns was the threat of acts of war and evacuations in the west of the Netherlands. Anne writes at length in early 1944 about the discussions between the people in hiding and the helpers when this danger threatened to take concrete forms.[27]
\r\n\r\nThe people in hiding were very concerned with their safety. They had all kinds of agreements and arrangements to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Although compliance slackened from time to time, they kept them reasonably well. Neither they nor the people helping them had any control over some dangers: there was obviously nothing they could have done about falling bombs or crashing aircraft. There are no reasons to suspect that laxity or underestimation of security measures contributed to their eventual arrest.
\r\n\r\nThe objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","description_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.
","description_en":"The objective of businesses is to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.
","summary":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","summary_nl":"Bedrijven hebben tot doel producten en/of diensten te verkopen aan klanten, waardoor omzet kan worden gedraaid.","summary_en":"Businesses aim to sell products and/or services to customers, thereby generating revenue.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/2210"],"parent":null,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a699d98a-eab0-4e27-a4a1-f2c76df56892","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04bc398b-9132-421d-be07-26d89aecf727","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e81eeb71-37e6-4299-9a32-d4d419af2117","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84898f4e-5c32-47d1-bff4-d377c343c5b2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5e6e4c0b-e255-4b81-9abc-a8b22fd9d87c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/17e62508-f7db-41ee-bf60-e7f87d4dd63c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2aaa7b1a-46b7-49f3-9908-dd3a35052bd6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fca17b8f-5066-4200-a73e-76bccc6ef720","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1a319571-a93e-4566-9396-a4d6e61833ed","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/41740528-a1d2-4a88-8b7c-c78e01a8ee6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aedb3425-3b2c-4479-9d12-9ff63918c0b7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ea19e0cf-5fd7-4bb6-9dd9-63c328018639","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4caabcc8-204b-438d-915c-1e6ea54630bb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/83d54925-63d3-43a3-9f96-a9535224eb3d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0f90d12e-14ef-4acb-b44f-c3692319565a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6e7854d3-c834-44c4-9129-c742ff899d22","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0cfff667-b7b7-42e2-b01b-848d60758275","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/18a78a8e-12a1-4e8c-b38f-20ab70ff1da5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f2e450aa-840f-4dd8-84cf-548ce515e6d0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ce70ffc-474f-4743-a9a8-dd4ed4e59c77","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/56d301cf-e04e-47fd-884b-6685a83f00b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa46b11f-7c2b-4fbc-ac9b-82fb58e805a6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/22e16ce9-e2a5-476f-b517-7e48026e719e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f9bad9c3-50bb-41b5-b528-74c36e40d028","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6b0dbaa0-4815-4f3e-ab1c-e0ee6196188e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c885285f-6d92-48fc-817f-543f6f20f9bf","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c893854-c6f4-4ec1-8bc7-3f53d91174cc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/19fd3ff2-9edf-450d-8b63-bba458913e9f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/45c5caab-86df-4b28-91ba-f2d9fd02d20e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ce8468a7-c299-43c3-a730-4b3009a56059","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a4257fc0-726f-49b3-9912-80a4aacbacbb","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bc55a0-7741-4259-a387-42959e20d899","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/caa75771-165a-46ed-a848-c3a9df9eb52c","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/ceacea5d-5d1a-4618-9cdc-de7c26765040","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f0eef6aa-3307-4bab-899c-0d69504e3eb0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6e696049-a72e-459b-beba-e66fc4cbf66f"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/6ef7b88e-bdae-4edb-8265-23201452f19b/","published":true,"name":"Elhoek","name_nl":"Elhoek, Firma","name_en":"Elhoek","uuid":"6ef7b88e-bdae-4edb-8265-23201452f19b","content":"Address: Prinsengracht 261, Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe company was located in the neighbouring building at Prinsengracht 263. Elhoek was also a leather goods manufacturer.[2] The name was a combination of the names of business partners Van Elburg and Hoekstra. The workshops were on the second and third floors. When the weather was nice, the staff sometimes ate on the roof at lunchtime. They sometimes heard voices and therefore knew that there were people in the Secret Annex. However, they did not realize that these were people in hiding and they thought that the part of the building belonged to the Keg Tea and Coffee company.[3]
\r\n\r\nHendrik Johan van Elburg, one of the business partners, reported that intruders had stolen an amount of six hundred guilders and a typewriter from the company during the night of 7-8 April 1943.[4]
\r\n\r\nAdres: Prinsengracht 261, Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nDe firma was gevestid in het buurpand van Prinsengracht 263. Elhoek was ook lederwarenfabrikant.[2] De naam was een samentrekking van de namen Van Elburg en Hoekstra. De werkplaatsen waren op de tweede en derde verdieping. Het personeel at bij mooi weer tussen de middag wel eens in de dakgoot. Ze hoorden soms stemmen en wisten daardoor dat er mensen in het Achterhuis waren. Ze realiseerden zich echter niet dat het hier om onderduikers ging en ze dachten dat het deel van het pand van de firma Keg Thee en Koffie was.[3]
\r\n\r\nFirmant Hendrik Johan van Elburg meldde dat insluipers in de nacht van 7 op 8 april 1943 een bedrag van zeshonderd gulden en een schrijfmachine uit het bedrijf hadden gestolen.[4]
\r\n\r\nAddress: Prinsengracht 261, Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe company was located in the neighbouring building at Prinsengracht 263. Elhoek was also a leather goods manufacturer.[2] The name was a combination of the names of business partners Van Elburg and Hoekstra. The workshops were on the second and third floors. When the weather was nice, the staff sometimes ate on the roof at lunchtime. They sometimes heard voices and therefore knew that there were people in the Secret Annex. However, they did not realize that these were people in hiding and they thought that the part of the building belonged to the Keg Tea and Coffee company.[3]
\r\n\r\nHendrik Johan van Elburg, one of the business partners, reported that intruders had stolen an amount of six hundred guilders and a typewriter from the company during the night of 7-8 April 1943.[4]
\r\n\r\nOn the night of 11 to 12 January 1943, unknown persons broke the cellar lock and made off with 24 cases of wine. Six hundred bottles in all, which, according to the owner, represented a total value of nine thousand guilders. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller reported the theft to the Marnixstraat police station on the afternoon of 12 January 1943. The 'atelier' was also notified, meaning that the criminal investigation department started looking for fingerprints and other traces at the scene.[1] It is not known to what extent the criminal investigation extended to the surrounding area.
\r\n\r\nIn de nacht van 11 op 12 januari 1943 braken onbekenden het kelderslot open en verdwenen met 24 kisten wijn. Bij elkaar ging het om zeshonderd flessen, die volgens de eigenaar een totale waarde van negenduizend gulden vertegenwoordigden. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller deed er in de middag van 12 januari op bureau Marnixstraat aangifte van. Ook werd het 'atelier' ingelicht, wat betekent dat de recherche er naar vingerafdrukken en andere sporen ging zoeken.[1] In hoeverre het rechercheonderzoek zich tot de omgeving uitstrekte is niet bekend.
\r\n\r\nOn the night of 11 to 12 January 1943, unknown persons broke the cellar lock and made off with 24 cases of wine. Six hundred bottles in all, which, according to the owner, represented a total value of nine thousand guilders. Hotelier Friedrich Schiller reported the theft to the Marnixstraat police station on the afternoon of 12 January 1943. The 'atelier' was also notified, meaning that the criminal investigation department started looking for fingerprints and other traces at the scene.[1] It is not known to what extent the criminal investigation extended to the surrounding area.
\r\n\r\nBarbara Ledermann went into hiding around November 1942. She obtained a different identity with the help of connections of her friend Manfred Grünberg. Her new papers were in the name of Barbara Waarts, and the correct first names of parents, her date and place of birth had been retained. On 5 July 1944, she was also given a new identity card in the name of Barbara Waarts.[1] This was after the April 1944 bombing of the State Inspectorate of Population Registers, whose documents posed the greatest danger to holders of fake personal identity cards.[2] The quality of her first identity card is not known, but in July 1944 it was easier to get her a good fake one. After the liberation, the Population Registry cleaned up the corrupted card file, and in the process Barbara Waarts' card was also labelled 'Valsch' (False).
\r\n\r\nBarbara Ledermann dook rond november 1942 onder. Ze kreeg met behulp van connecties van haar vriend Manfred Grünberg een andere identiteit. Haar nieuwe papieren stonden op naam van Barbara Waarts, en de juiste voornamen van de ouders, haar geboortedatum en –plaats waren gehandhaafd. Op 5 juli 1944 kreeg ze op de naam Barbara Waarts ook nog een nieuw persoonsbewijs.[1] Dit was na het bombardement in april 1944 op de Rijksinspectie voor de Bevolkingsregisters, waarvan de documenten het grootste gevaar voor houders van valse persoonsbewijzen vormde.[2] De kwaliteit van haar eerste persoonsbewijs is niet bekend, maar in juli 1944 was het eenvoudiger haar een goede falsificatie te bezorgen. Na de bevrijding saneerde het Bevolkingsregister het gecorrumpeerde kaartenbestand en daarbij kreeg ook de kaart van Barbara Waarts het predicaat “Valsch”.
\r\n\r\nBarbara Ledermann went into hiding around November 1942. She obtained a different identity with the help of connections of her friend Manfred Grünberg. Her new papers were in the name of Barbara Waarts, and the correct first names of parents, her date and place of birth had been retained. On 5 July 1944, she was also given a new identity card in the name of Barbara Waarts.[1] This was after the April 1944 bombing of the State Inspectorate of Population Registers, whose documents posed the greatest danger to holders of fake personal identity cards.[2] The quality of her first identity card is not known, but in July 1944 it was easier to get her a good fake one. After the liberation, the Population Registry cleaned up the corrupted card file, and in the process Barbara Waarts' card was also labelled 'Valsch' (False).
\r\n\r\nThe reason to go into hiding was usually to escape persecution of Jews, forced labour deployment, or because one was wanted for illegal activities.
","description_nl":"De reden om onder te duiken was meestal om te ontkomen aan de Jodenvervolging, de gedwongen Arbeidsinzet, of omdat men gezocht werd wegens illegale activiteiten.
","description_en":"The reason to go into hiding was usually to escape persecution of Jews, forced labour deployment, or because one was wanted for illegal activities.
","summary":"To go into hiding was to hide from the police or Germans, often for long periods of time.","summary_nl":"Onderduiken was het zich verbergen voor de politie of de Duitsers, vaak voor langere tijd.","summary_en":"To go into hiding was to hide from the police or Germans, often for long periods of time.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/2695"],"parent":396124656,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a699d98a-eab0-4e27-a4a1-f2c76df56892","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c25c867c-3f5a-421c-8d82-0449472ddbed"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/3728c44f-9948-4763-84c3-ba87ac8da4b1/","published":true,"name":"Address where Barbara Ledermann was in hiding","name_nl":"Onderduikadres Barbara Ledermann","name_en":"Address where Barbara Ledermann was in hiding","uuid":"3728c44f-9948-4763-84c3-ba87ac8da4b1","content":"","content_nl":"","content_en":"","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.884482 52.35484)","summary":"From 20 June 1943, Barbara Ledermann lived at Reijnier Vinkeleskade 61 huis, Amsterdam.","summary_nl":"Vanaf 20 juni 1943 woonde Barbara Ledermann op Reijnier Vinkeleskade 61 huis, Amsterdam.","summary_en":"From 20 June 1943, Barbara Ledermann lived at Reijnier Vinkeleskade 61 huis, Amsterdam.","same_as":null,"street":"Reijnier Vinkeleskade 61 huis","zipcode":"","city":"Amsterdam","state":"","land":"","location_events":[146]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/07733b53-04bc-4e0e-88ea-a410f0686506/","published":true,"uuid":"07733b53-04bc-4e0e-88ea-a410f0686506","name":"Barbara Ledermann goes into hiding","name_nl":"Barbara Ledermann duikt onder","name_en":"Barbara Ledermann goes into hiding","content":"Barbara Ledermann went into hiding around November 1942. She obtained a different identity with the help of connections of her friend Manfred Grünberg. Her new papers were in the name of Barbara Waarts, and the correct first names of parents, her date and place of birth had been retained. On 5 July 1944, she was also given a new identity card in the name of Barbara Waarts.[1] This was after the April 1944 bombing of the State Inspectorate of Population Registers, whose documents posed the greatest danger to holders of fake personal identity cards.[2] The quality of her first identity card is not known, but in July 1944 it was easier to get her a good fake one. After the liberation, the Population Registry cleaned up the corrupted card file, and in the process Barbara Waarts' card was also labelled 'Valsch' (False).
\r\n\r\nBarbara Ledermann dook rond november 1942 onder. Ze kreeg met behulp van connecties van haar vriend Manfred Grünberg een andere identiteit. Haar nieuwe papieren stonden op naam van Barbara Waarts, en de juiste voornamen van de ouders, haar geboortedatum en –plaats waren gehandhaafd. Op 5 juli 1944 kreeg ze op de naam Barbara Waarts ook nog een nieuw persoonsbewijs.[1] Dit was na het bombardement in april 1944 op de Rijksinspectie voor de Bevolkingsregisters, waarvan de documenten het grootste gevaar voor houders van valse persoonsbewijzen vormde.[2] De kwaliteit van haar eerste persoonsbewijs is niet bekend, maar in juli 1944 was het eenvoudiger haar een goede falsificatie te bezorgen. Na de bevrijding saneerde het Bevolkingsregister het gecorrumpeerde kaartenbestand en daarbij kreeg ook de kaart van Barbara Waarts het predicaat “Valsch”.
\r\n\r\nBarbara Ledermann went into hiding around November 1942. She obtained a different identity with the help of connections of her friend Manfred Grünberg. Her new papers were in the name of Barbara Waarts, and the correct first names of parents, her date and place of birth had been retained. On 5 July 1944, she was also given a new identity card in the name of Barbara Waarts.[1] This was after the April 1944 bombing of the State Inspectorate of Population Registers, whose documents posed the greatest danger to holders of fake personal identity cards.[2] The quality of her first identity card is not known, but in July 1944 it was easier to get her a good fake one. After the liberation, the Population Registry cleaned up the corrupted card file, and in the process Barbara Waarts' card was also labelled 'Valsch' (False).
\r\n\r\nFew sources are known that refer to Fritz Pfeffer's education.
\r\n\r\nPfeffer studied medicine and dentistry in Würzburg and Berlin, graduating in 1911 and working as an assistant for some time. Practising in Berlin from October 1912, he was promoted to "Dr med. dent." in March 1920 .[1]
\r\n\r\nFrom winter semester 1908-'09 to summer semester 1909, and then from summer semester 1910 to summer semester 1911, he studied 'Medizin' at the University of Würzburg.[2]
\r\nIn later semesters, his younger brother Ernst Pfeffer also studied 'Medizin' in Würzburg.[3] During the two periods he attended Würzburg University, Pfeffer lived at the following addresses:
Fritz Pfeffer was a member of the Akademisch-wissenschaftlichen Verbindung Veda during his studies in Würzburg.[4] This was the only one of the many Würzburg societies (Burschenschaften) that was open to all religions, including Jews.[5]
\r\n\r\nClear dating of the study period in Berlin is not possible based on the available sources.
\r\n\r\nOver de studie van Fritz Pfeffer zijn weinig bronnen bekend.
\r\n\r\nPfeffer studeerde medicijnen en tandheelkunde in Würzburg en Berlijn. Hij studeerde af in 1911 en werkte enige tijd als assistent. In Berlijn praktiseerde hij vanaf oktober 1912. In maart 1920 promoveerde hij tot "Dr. med. dent.[1]
\r\n\r\nIn het wintersemester 1908-’09 tot zomersemester 1909, en daarna zomersemester 1910 tot zomersemester 1911 studeerde hij ‘Medizin’ aan de universiteit van Würzburg.[2]
\r\nIn latere semesters studeerde ook zijn jongere broer Ernst Pfeffer in Würzburg ‘Medizin’.[3] In de twee perioden dat hij de universiteit van Würzburg bezocht, woonde Pfeffer op de volgende adressen:
Fritz Pfeffer was tijdens zijn studietijd in Würzburg lid van de Akademisch-wissenschaftlichen Verbindung Veda.[4] Dit was het enige van de vele Würzburger genootschappen (Burschenschaften) dat voor alle religies, en dus ook voor Joden, openstond.[5]
\r\n\r\nDuidelijke datering van de studieperiode in Berlijn is op basis van de beschikbare bronnen niet mogelijk.
\r\n\r\nFew sources are known that refer to Fritz Pfeffer's education.
\r\n\r\nPfeffer studied medicine and dentistry in Würzburg and Berlin, graduating in 1911 and working as an assistant for some time. Practising in Berlin from October 1912, he was promoted to "Dr med. dent." in March 1920 .[1]
\r\n\r\nFrom winter semester 1908-'09 to summer semester 1909, and then from summer semester 1910 to summer semester 1911, he studied 'Medizin' at the University of Würzburg.[2]
\r\nIn later semesters, his younger brother Ernst Pfeffer also studied 'Medizin' in Würzburg.[3] During the two periods he attended Würzburg University, Pfeffer lived at the following addresses:
Fritz Pfeffer was a member of the Akademisch-wissenschaftlichen Verbindung Veda during his studies in Würzburg.[4] This was the only one of the many Würzburg societies (Burschenschaften) that was open to all religions, including Jews.[5]
\r\n\r\nClear dating of the study period in Berlin is not possible based on the available sources.
\r\n\r\nHer last known address before leaving for Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] No further details are available.
\r\n\r\nHaar laatste bekende adres voor vertrek naar Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] Verdere details ontbreken.
\r\n\r\nHer last known address before leaving for Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] No further details are available.
\r\n\r\nAccommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or 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"Berlijn","name_en":"Berlin","uuid":"f4d47668-4071-4530-95f0-5c463fddbc60","content":"Fritz Pfeffer and his girlfriend Charlotte Kaletta lived in Berlin before they fled to the Netherlands in December 1939. The Goslar and Ledermann families also lived in Berlin until their emigration to the Netherlands. From October 1942, Bertus Hulsman, Bep Voskuijl's fiancé, stayed in Berlin, where he worked with a brother and sister-in-law at AEG.
\r\n\r\nFollowing German reunification , Berlin became the capital of all of Germany in 1990.[1]
\r\n\r\nBerlijn was de woonplaats van Fritz Pfeffer en zijn vriendin Charlotte Kaletta voordat zij in december 1939 naar Nederland vluchtten. De families Goslar en Ledermann woonden ook in Berlijn tot hun vertrek naar Nederland. Sinds oktober 1942 verbleef Bertus Hulsman, de verloofde van Bep Voskuijl in Berlijn, waar hij met een broer en schoonzus bij AEG werkte.
\r\n\r\nSinds 1990 is Berlijn hoofdstad van het herenigde Duitsland.[1]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer and his girlfriend Charlotte Kaletta lived in Berlin before they fled to the Netherlands in December 1939. The Goslar and Ledermann families also lived in Berlin until their emigration to the Netherlands. From October 1942, Bertus Hulsman, Bep Voskuijl's fiancé, stayed in Berlin, where he worked with a brother and sister-in-law at AEG.
\r\n\r\nFollowing German reunification , Berlin became the capital of all of Germany in 1990.[1]
\r\n\r\nHer last known address before leaving for Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] No further details are available.
\r\n\r\nHaar laatste bekende adres voor vertrek naar Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] Verdere details ontbreken.
\r\n\r\nHer last known address before leaving for Amsterdam was Pariser Strasse 21-22.[1] No further details are available.
\r\n\r\nIn early 1938, Max van Pels disposed of his business interests and moved to Amsterdam with his wife. Because of their Dutch nationality, they were able to settle there without any particular difficulties. Their final destination was North America.
","content_nl":"Begin 1938 deed Max van Pels zijn zakelijke belangen van de hand en vertrok met zijn echtgenote naar Amsterdam. Vanwege hun Nederlandse nationaliteit konden zij zich daar zonder bijzondere moeilijkheden vestigen. Hun uiteindelijke reisdoel was Noord-Amerika.
","content_en":"In early 1938, Max van Pels disposed of his business interests and moved to Amsterdam with his wife. Because of their Dutch nationality, they were able to settle there without any particular difficulties. Their final destination was North America.
","date":"1938-03-29","date_start":null,"date_end":null,"summary":"Max van Pels was a brother of Hermann van Pels.","summary_nl":"Max van Pels was een broer van Hermann van Pels.","summary_en":"Max van Pels was a brother of Hermann van Pels.","same_as":null,"files":[]}],"subjects":[{"id":396124556,"image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/onderwerpen/d7ba8d2c-3824-4286-96da-1af0f02ba645/","published":true,"uuid":"d7ba8d2c-3824-4286-96da-1af0f02ba645","name":"Accommodation","name_nl":"Verblijf","name_en":"Accommodation","description":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or 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of Max and Anni van Pels-Haag","name_nl":"Woning Max en Anni van Pels-Haag","name_en":"Home of Max and Anni van Pels-Haag","uuid":"db15398a-d845-4147-9ceb-1530e7e9a4e4","content":"","content_nl":"","content_en":"","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.879872 52.360727)","summary":"On their way to the United States, Max and Anni temporarily stayed here, in Amsterdam. After this, they lived at Jan van Eijckstraat 28 hs, Amsterdam.","summary_nl":"Max en Anni verbleven op weg naar de Verenigde Staten tijdelijk hier, in Amsterdam. Hierna woonden ze nog op Jan van Eijckstraat 28 hs, Amsterdam.","summary_en":"On their way to the United States, Max and Anni temporarily stayed here, in Amsterdam. After this, they lived at Jan van Eijckstraat 28 hs, Amsterdam.","same_as":null,"street":"Vossiusstraat 26 hs","zipcode":"","city":"Amsterdam","state":"","land":"","location_events":[102]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/2acbbc0d-9757-43ad-af27-8d27e20212f3/","published":true,"uuid":"2acbbc0d-9757-43ad-af27-8d27e20212f3","name":"Max van Pels moves to the Netherlands","name_nl":"Max van Pels naar Nederland","name_en":"Max van Pels moves to the Netherlands","content":"In early 1938, Max van Pels disposed of his business interests and moved to Amsterdam with his wife. Because of their Dutch nationality, they were able to settle there without any particular difficulties. Their final destination was North America.
","content_nl":"Begin 1938 deed Max van Pels zijn zakelijke belangen van de hand en vertrok met zijn echtgenote naar Amsterdam. Vanwege hun Nederlandse nationaliteit konden zij zich daar zonder bijzondere moeilijkheden vestigen. Hun uiteindelijke reisdoel was Noord-Amerika.
","content_en":"In early 1938, Max van Pels disposed of his business interests and moved to Amsterdam with his wife. Because of their Dutch nationality, they were able to settle there without any particular difficulties. Their final destination was North America.
","date":"1938-03-29","date_start":null,"date_end":null,"summary":"Max van Pels was a brother of Hermann van Pels.","summary_nl":"Max van Pels was een broer van Hermann van Pels.","summary_en":"Max van Pels was a brother of Hermann van Pels.","same_as":null,"subjects":[396124405],"persons":[2080,2073],"files":[]},"score":0.0},{"type":"event","instance":{"id":277,"main_image":null,"location":{"id":106,"files":[],"main_image":{"id":1083,"uuid":"4d81701b-f9db-4a65-aba8-5a79ba9bcdd9","name":"ANWZ01466000002","title":"Concertgebouw, mei 1933","alt":"Vervaardiger onbekend. Stadsarchief Amsterdam","url":"","path":"https://research.annefrank.org/media/ANWZ01466000002.jpg","filetype":"image","description":"","author":"De collectie kan worden ingezet voor publiek","copyright":"Publiek domein"},"latitude":"52.356299","longitude":"4.879319","events":[{"id":277,"main_image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/dc7e0ee4-5c97-4cb6-8c05-93dd039642bd/","subjects":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/subjects/85736e0b-6f11-445c-a580-43b6596ff46b"],"persons":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/50f32ea2-cb6b-415b-8aff-e39901c461e1","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/f0db230c-f812-4801-89a0-313da35c296f"],"location":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e112cfe9-cc0b-4f02-bff2-77ebc2c448ae","published":true,"uuid":"dc7e0ee4-5c97-4cb6-8c05-93dd039642bd","name":"Bep Voskuijl attends a piano concert in the Concertgebouw","name_nl":"Bep Voskuijl bezoekt een pianoconcert in het Concertgebouw","name_en":"Bep Voskuijl attends a piano concert in the Concertgebouw","content":"On March 14, 1944, pianist Thelma van Breemen played in the Recital Hall of the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam.[1] Bep Voskuijl attended this concert and went back to the Concertgebouw the next day for a concert by the German singer, film and revue star Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nOp 14 maart 1944 speelde pianiste Thelma van Breemen in de Kleine Zaal van het Amsterdamse Concertgebouw.[1] Bep Voskuijl bezocht dit concert en ging de dag daarna weer het Concertgebouw voor een concert van de Duitse zangeres, film- en revue-ster Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nOn March 14, 1944, pianist Thelma van Breemen played in the Recital Hall of the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam.[1] Bep Voskuijl attended this concert and went back to the Concertgebouw the next day for a concert by the German singer, film and revue star Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diary reveals that Bep loved dancing, classical music and movies.[1] Bep's children confirmed this, adding: sewing, knitting, embroidering cushions and gardening.[2] According to her daughter Anne, Bep could also cook delicious meals.[3] Her husband Cor van Wijk stated that Bep loved music and loved going to the Concertgebouw. He also said she loved reading and was interested in geography.[4] In a letter, Bep thanked Larissa Akselrod for the beautiful records she had received from her: 'besonders das Klavier Konzerto von Tsaikowski, meine lieblings Musik und die Russische Sängerin Alla Solenkova hat mein Herz gestolen'.[5]
\r\n\r\nUit het dagboek van Anne Frank blijkt dat Bep hield van dansen, klassieke muziek en films.[1] De kinderen van Bep bevestigden dit en voegden hier nog toe: Naaien, breien, kussensknopen en tuinieren.[2] Volgens haar dochter Anne kon Bep ook heerlijk koken.[3] Haar man Cor van Wijk verklaarde dat Bep erg van muziek hield en graag naar het Concertgebouw ging. Hij vertelde ook dat ze dol op lezen was en geïnteresseerd in geografie.[4] In een brief bedankte Bep Larissa Akselrod voor de mooie grammofoonplaten die ze van haar had gekregen: ‘besonders das Klavier Konzerto von Tsaikowski, meine lieblings Musik und die Russische Sängerin Alla Solenkova hat mein Herz gestolen’.[5]
\r\n\r\nAnne Frank's diary reveals that Bep loved dancing, classical music and movies.[1] Bep's children confirmed this, adding: sewing, knitting, embroidering cushions and gardening.[2] According to her daughter Anne, Bep could also cook delicious meals.[3] Her husband Cor van Wijk stated that Bep loved music and loved going to the Concertgebouw. He also said she loved reading and was interested in geography.[4] In a letter, Bep thanked Larissa Akselrod for the beautiful records she had received from her: 'besonders das Klavier Konzerto von Tsaikowski, meine lieblings Musik und die Russische Sängerin Alla Solenkova hat mein Herz gestolen'.[5]
\r\n\r\nAddress: Van Baerlestraat 98, Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe first concert in the Amsterdam Concertgebouw was on the occasion of the opening on 11 April 1888, with 120 musicians and five hundred choir members.[2] In addition to concerts, numerous meetings took place in the building. Political organizations such as the CPN (Dutch Communist Party) ,[3] the NSB (National-Socialist Movement),[4] Eenheid door Democratie (Unity through Democracy),[5] the Nederlandsche Zionistenbond (Dutch Zionist Union)[6] and Nederlandsche Unie (Dutch Union)[7] held meetings there. The ANWB (Royal Dutch Touring Club)[8] and the dubious Winterhulp (Winter Aid)[9] also met there.
\r\n\r\nDuring the German occupation, conductor Willem Mengelberg continued to give concerts in the presence of high-ranking Nazi leaders, such as Reichskommissar Arthur Seyss-Inquart. And even though he was committed to his Jewish orchestra members, Mengelberg was severely punished after 1945 for his collaboration with the Germans: he was banned from conducting and his Dutch passport was taken away.[10]
\r\n\r\nBep Voskuijl attended two concerts in the Concertgebouw, early 1944.[11]
\r\n\r\nAdres: Van Baerlestraat 98, te Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nHet eerste concert in het Amsterdamse Concertgebouw was ter gelegenheid van de opening op 11 april 1888, met 120 musici en vijfhonderd koorleden.[2] Naast concerten vonden er in het gebouw talloze vergaderingen plaats. Politieke organisatie als de CPN,[3] de NSB,[4] Eenheid door Democratie,[5] de Nederlandsche Zionistenbond[6] en de Nederlandsche Unie [7] hielden er bijeenkomsten. Ook de ANWB [8] en de dubieuze Winterhulp[9] vergaderden er.
\r\n\r\nTijdens de Duitse bezettig bleef dirigent Willem Mengelberg concerten geven in aanwezigheid van hooggeplaatste nazi-leiders, zoals rijkscommissaris Arthur Seyss-Inquart. En ook al zette zich in voor zijn Joodse orkestleden, Mengelberg werd na 1945 zwaar gestraft voor zijn collaboratie met de Duitsers: hij kreeg hem een dirigeerverbod opgelegd en zijn Nederlandse paspoort werd hem ontnomen.[10]
\r\n\r\nBegin 1944 bezocht Bep Voskuijl twee concerten in het Concertgebouw.[11]
\r\n\r\nAddress: Van Baerlestraat 98, Amsterdam.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe first concert in the Amsterdam Concertgebouw was on the occasion of the opening on 11 April 1888, with 120 musicians and five hundred choir members.[2] In addition to concerts, numerous meetings took place in the building. Political organizations such as the CPN (Dutch Communist Party) ,[3] the NSB (National-Socialist Movement),[4] Eenheid door Democratie (Unity through Democracy),[5] the Nederlandsche Zionistenbond (Dutch Zionist Union)[6] and Nederlandsche Unie (Dutch Union)[7] held meetings there. The ANWB (Royal Dutch Touring Club)[8] and the dubious Winterhulp (Winter Aid)[9] also met there.
\r\n\r\nDuring the German occupation, conductor Willem Mengelberg continued to give concerts in the presence of high-ranking Nazi leaders, such as Reichskommissar Arthur Seyss-Inquart. And even though he was committed to his Jewish orchestra members, Mengelberg was severely punished after 1945 for his collaboration with the Germans: he was banned from conducting and his Dutch passport was taken away.[10]
\r\n\r\nBep Voskuijl attended two concerts in the Concertgebouw, early 1944.[11]
\r\n\r\nOn March 14, 1944, pianist Thelma van Breemen played in the Recital Hall of the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam.[1] Bep Voskuijl attended this concert and went back to the Concertgebouw the next day for a concert by the German singer, film and revue star Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nOp 14 maart 1944 speelde pianiste Thelma van Breemen in de Kleine Zaal van het Amsterdamse Concertgebouw.[1] Bep Voskuijl bezocht dit concert en ging de dag daarna weer het Concertgebouw voor een concert van de Duitse zangeres, film- en revue-ster Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nOn March 14, 1944, pianist Thelma van Breemen played in the Recital Hall of the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam.[1] Bep Voskuijl attended this concert and went back to the Concertgebouw the next day for a concert by the German singer, film and revue star Evelyn Künneke.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe arrived in Harwich by night boat on 2 December 1938. He was under the supervision of the Refugee Children's Movement, bearing the registration number 15252.[1] His group travelled on the S.S. Prague which operated the regular ferry service between the Hook of Holland and Harwich. There is film footage and photographs of this first group of children on their arrival at the quay and on their first stay at Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner was expected at a relative's house in England and was able to travel straight through and was therefore probably not filmed or photographed at Doverside Holiday Camp.[2]
\r\n\r\nWerner Pfeffer arriveerde in Harwich met de nachtboot op 2 december 1938. Hij stond onder toezicht van het Refugee Children's Movement, voorzien van het registratienummer 15252.[1] Zijn groep reisde met de s.s. Prague die de reguliere veerdienst tussen Hoek van Holland en Harwich onderhield. Er zijn filmbeelden en foto's van deze eerste groep kinderen bij hun aankomst op de kade en bij hun eerste verblijf in Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner werd in Engeland bij een familielid verwacht en kon direct doorreizen en is daarom waarschijnlijk niet in Doverside Holiday Camp gefilmd of gefotografeerd.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe arrived in Harwich by night boat on 2 December 1938. He was under the supervision of the Refugee Children's Movement, bearing the registration number 15252.[1] His group travelled on the S.S. Prague which operated the regular ferry service between the Hook of Holland and Harwich. There is film footage and photographs of this first group of children on their arrival at the quay and on their first stay at Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner was expected at a relative's house in England and was able to travel straight through and was therefore probably not filmed or photographed at Doverside Holiday Camp.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe ultimate destination of many refugees was the United States; there were also those who left for South Africa, Palestine and Latin America. But emigration could not be taken for granted. Those who wanted to leave entered a bureaucratic mill of countless forms for exit permits, transit permits, entry visas, court declarations and sureties. The queues waiting at aid organisations, consulates, embassies and travel agencies were endless. Rules were constantly changing and emigration countries were making high financial demands. As anti-Jewish measures and threats of war increased, panic to get away grew. In the end, only a relatively small group managed to flee the persecution of Jews in Europe.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe Frank, Van Pels and Fritz Pfeffer families also made attempts to get away from Europe. Otto Frank tried to set up a business in England as early as 1937 and applied for a visa at the American consulate in Rotterdam in 1938. Both attempts came to nothing. When World War II broke out in 1939, it became even more difficult to flee. After the German invasion in 1940, the Frank family tried to go to the United States again in 1941. They were helped by American friends and Julius and Walter Holländer, Edith's brothers, who had already managed to flee to the United States. This was all to be in vain.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family was not lucky either. Despite their Dutch citizenship, they did not feel safe in the Netherlands. In 1939, they applied for visas at the US consulate in Rotterdam. They ended up on a waiting list that was already so long that their chances were slim.[2] Their attempt to move on failed, although some relatives of Hermann van Pels and Auguste Röttgen did manage to emigrate to North America, South America and other overseas destinations.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer's immigration card states that he wanted to go to Australia, but he also tried to go to Aruba. He also applied for emigration to Chile. But he too failed to get away from the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nOn 25 November 1941, all German Jews living abroad lost their nationality and thus became stateless. As a result, emigration became impossible.
\r\n\r\nHet uiteindelijke reisdoel van veel vluchtelingen was de Verenigde Staten, er waren er ook die naar Zuid-Afrika, Palestina en Latijns-Amerika vertrokken. Maar emigratie was niet vanzelfsprekend. Wie weg wilde kwam in een bureaucratische molen terecht van ontelbare formulieren voor uitreisvergunningen, doorreisvergunningen, inreisvisa, gerechtelijke verklaringen en borgstellingen. De rijen wachtenden bij hulporganisaties, consulaten, ambassades en reisbureaus waren eindeloos. Regels veranderden voortdurend en emigratielanden stelden hoge financiële eisen. Naarmate anti-Joodse maatregelen en oorlogsdreiging toenamen, groeide de paniek om weg te komen. Uiteindelijk heeft maar een relatief kleine groep de Jodenvervolging in Europa weten te ontvluchten.[1]
\r\n\r\nOok de families Frank, Van Pels en Fritz Pfeffer hebben pogingen ondernomen uit Europa weg te komen. Otto Frank probeerde al vanaf 1937 geprobeerd een zaak op te zetten in Engeland en deed in 1938 een visumaanvraag gedaan bij het Amerikaanse consulaat in Rotterdam. Beide pogingen liepen op niets uit. Toen in 1939 de Tweede Wereldoorlog uitbrak, werd het nog moelijker om te vluchten. Na de Duitse inval in 1940 probeerde de familie Frank in 1941 opnieuw naar de Verenigde Staten te gaan. Ze worden daarbij geholpen door Amerikaanse vrienden en Julius en Walter Holländer, de broers van Edith, die er al in zijn geslaagd naar de Verenigde Staten te vluchten. Tevergeefs.[2]
\r\n\r\nHet gezin van Pels had ook geen geluk. Ondanks hun Nederlanderschap voelden zij zich niet veilig in Nederland. In 1939 deden zij een visumaanvraag bij het Amerikaanse consulaat in Rotterdam. Zij kwamen op een wachtlijst te staan die al zo lang was dat hun kansen gering waren.[2] Hun poging om verder te trekken mislukte, al zijn er enkele familieleden van Hermann van Pels en Auguste Röttgen er wel in geslaagd naar Noord-, Zuid-Amerika of een andere bestemming overzee te emigreren.
\r\n\r\nOp de vreemdelingenkaart van Fritz Pfeffer staat dat hij naar Australië wilde, maar hij probeerde ook naar Aruba te gaan. Verder deed hij een emigratieaanvraag voor Chili. Maar het lukte ook hem niet weg te komen uit Nederland.
\r\n\r\nOp 25 november 1941 verloren alle in het buitenland wonende Duitse Joden hun nationaliteit en werden daarmee stateloos. Emigratie werd daarmee onmogelijk.
\r\n\r\nThe ultimate destination of many refugees was the United States; there were also those who left for South Africa, Palestine and Latin America. But emigration could not be taken for granted. Those who wanted to leave entered a bureaucratic mill of countless forms for exit permits, transit permits, entry visas, court declarations and sureties. The queues waiting at aid organisations, consulates, embassies and travel agencies were endless. Rules were constantly changing and emigration countries were making high financial demands. As anti-Jewish measures and threats of war increased, panic to get away grew. In the end, only a relatively small group managed to flee the persecution of Jews in Europe.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe Frank, Van Pels and Fritz Pfeffer families also made attempts to get away from Europe. Otto Frank tried to set up a business in England as early as 1937 and applied for a visa at the American consulate in Rotterdam in 1938. Both attempts came to nothing. When World War II broke out in 1939, it became even more difficult to flee. After the German invasion in 1940, the Frank family tried to go to the United States again in 1941. They were helped by American friends and Julius and Walter Holländer, Edith's brothers, who had already managed to flee to the United States. This was all to be in vain.[2]
\r\n\r\nThe Van Pels family was not lucky either. Despite their Dutch citizenship, they did not feel safe in the Netherlands. In 1939, they applied for visas at the US consulate in Rotterdam. They ended up on a waiting list that was already so long that their chances were slim.[2] Their attempt to move on failed, although some relatives of Hermann van Pels and Auguste Röttgen did manage to emigrate to North America, South America and other overseas destinations.
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer's immigration card states that he wanted to go to Australia, but he also tried to go to Aruba. He also applied for emigration to Chile. But he too failed to get away from the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nOn 25 November 1941, all German Jews living abroad lost their nationality and thus became stateless. As a result, emigration became impossible.
\r\n\r\nThe port of Harwich was the main point of entry for most of the children who found refuge in Britain through the Kindertransport rescue programme, from December 1938 to the outbreak of war in September 1939. Almost 10,000 children, mostly Jewish thus escaped Nazi persecution.[1]
\r\n\r\nDe haven van Harwich was van december 1938 tot het uitbreken van de oorlog in september 1939 de belangrijkste toegangspoort voor de meeste kinderen die via het Kindertransport-reddingsprogramma hun toevlucht in Groot-Brittannië vonden. Bijna 10.000 kinderen, voornamelijk Joods, ontsnapten zo aan de nazi-vervolging.[1]
\r\n\r\nThe port of Harwich was the main point of entry for most of the children who found refuge in Britain through the Kindertransport rescue programme, from December 1938 to the outbreak of war in September 1939. Almost 10,000 children, mostly Jewish thus escaped Nazi persecution.[1]
\r\n\r\nHe arrived in Harwich by night boat on 2 December 1938. He was under the supervision of the Refugee Children's Movement, bearing the registration number 15252.[1] His group travelled on the S.S. Prague which operated the regular ferry service between the Hook of Holland and Harwich. There is film footage and photographs of this first group of children on their arrival at the quay and on their first stay at Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner was expected at a relative's house in England and was able to travel straight through and was therefore probably not filmed or photographed at Doverside Holiday Camp.[2]
\r\n\r\nWerner Pfeffer arriveerde in Harwich met de nachtboot op 2 december 1938. Hij stond onder toezicht van het Refugee Children's Movement, voorzien van het registratienummer 15252.[1] Zijn groep reisde met de s.s. Prague die de reguliere veerdienst tussen Hoek van Holland en Harwich onderhield. Er zijn filmbeelden en foto's van deze eerste groep kinderen bij hun aankomst op de kade en bij hun eerste verblijf in Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner werd in Engeland bij een familielid verwacht en kon direct doorreizen en is daarom waarschijnlijk niet in Doverside Holiday Camp gefilmd of gefotografeerd.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe arrived in Harwich by night boat on 2 December 1938. He was under the supervision of the Refugee Children's Movement, bearing the registration number 15252.[1] His group travelled on the S.S. Prague which operated the regular ferry service between the Hook of Holland and Harwich. There is film footage and photographs of this first group of children on their arrival at the quay and on their first stay at Doverside Holiday Camp. Werner was expected at a relative's house in England and was able to travel straight through and was therefore probably not filmed or photographed at Doverside Holiday Camp.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arrived in the Netherlands by train via Oldenzaal on 9 December 1938. He reported to the Amsterdam Immigration Department on 27 December 1938. This department noted: 'Refugee. Self-sufficient. Wants to go to Australia'.[1] According to a 1947 statement by Walter Ungar , Pfeffer crossed the border under a false name with the help of his housekeeper Else Messmer. She later travelled after him to bring him jewellery and other valuables.[2] However, the Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam claimed that, although only admitted for visits, he had entered the Netherlands legally.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1938, the Dutch government decided to transfer to refugee camps those who entered the country illegally between 9 November and 17 December 1938.[4] A 19 December 1938 list of names of dozens of German-Jewish men to be taken to the refugee camp at Hoek van Holland includes Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arriveerde op 9 december 1938 per trein via Oldenzaal in Nederland. Hij meldde zich bij de Amsterdamse Vreemdelingendienst op 27 december 1938. Deze dienst noteerde: Is gevlucht. Zorgt voor zichzelf. Wil naar Australië.[1] Volgens een verklaring van Walter Ungar uit 1947 ging Pfeffer met behulp van zijn huishoudster Else Messmer onder een valse naam de grens over. Zij reisde hem later na om hem sieraden en andere waardevolle spullen te brengen.[2] De Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam stelde echter dat hij, hoewel slechts toegelaten voor bezoek, legaal in Nederland gekomen was.[3]
\r\n\r\nEind 1938 besloot de Nederlandse regering tot overbrenging naar vluchtelingenkampen van diegenen die tussen 9 november en 17 december 1938 illegaal het land binnen waren gekomen.[4] Op een lijst van 19 december 1938 met namen van tientallen Duits-Joodse mannen die naar het opvangkamp in Hoek van Holland moeten, staat ook Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arrived in the Netherlands by train via Oldenzaal on 9 December 1938. He reported to the Amsterdam Immigration Department on 27 December 1938. This department noted: 'Refugee. Self-sufficient. Wants to go to Australia'.[1] According to a 1947 statement by Walter Ungar , Pfeffer crossed the border under a false name with the help of his housekeeper Else Messmer. She later travelled after him to bring him jewellery and other valuables.[2] However, the Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam claimed that, although only admitted for visits, he had entered the Netherlands legally.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1938, the Dutch government decided to transfer to refugee camps those who entered the country illegally between 9 November and 17 December 1938.[4] A 19 December 1938 list of names of dozens of German-Jewish men to be taken to the refugee camp at Hoek van Holland includes Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn maart 1938 werd Oostenrij geannexeerd door Duitsland. Deze zogenaame 'Anschluss' had tot gevolg dat zowel Joodse als niet-Joodse Oostenrijkers het land uitvluchtten. De annexatie van delen van Tsjechoslowakije in oktober 1938 leidde evens tot aan hausse aan vluchtelingen. De Kristallnacht, de beruchte pogrom van november 1938 tegen de Joodse inwoners van Duitsland en de daarmee gepaard gaande moorden, mishandelingen, plunderingen en brandstichtingen brachten veel Joden ertoe Duitsland halsoverkop te verlaten.[1] Onder hen ook Fritz Pfeffer en Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arrived in the Netherlands by train via Oldenzaal on 9 December 1938. He reported to the Amsterdam Immigration Department on 27 December 1938. This department noted: 'Refugee. Self-sufficient. Wants to go to Australia'.[1] According to a 1947 statement by Walter Ungar , Pfeffer crossed the border under a false name with the help of his housekeeper Else Messmer. She later travelled after him to bring him jewellery and other valuables.[2] However, the Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam claimed that, although only admitted for visits, he had entered the Netherlands legally.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1938, the Dutch government decided to transfer to refugee camps those who entered the country illegally between 9 November and 17 December 1938.[4] A 19 December 1938 list of names of dozens of German-Jewish men to be taken to the refugee camp at Hoek van Holland includes Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arriveerde op 9 december 1938 per trein via Oldenzaal in Nederland. Hij meldde zich bij de Amsterdamse Vreemdelingendienst op 27 december 1938. Deze dienst noteerde: Is gevlucht. Zorgt voor zichzelf. Wil naar Australië.[1] Volgens een verklaring van Walter Ungar uit 1947 ging Pfeffer met behulp van zijn huishoudster Else Messmer onder een valse naam de grens over. Zij reisde hem later na om hem sieraden en andere waardevolle spullen te brengen.[2] De Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam stelde echter dat hij, hoewel slechts toegelaten voor bezoek, legaal in Nederland gekomen was.[3]
\r\n\r\nEind 1938 besloot de Nederlandse regering tot overbrenging naar vluchtelingenkampen van diegenen die tussen 9 november en 17 december 1938 illegaal het land binnen waren gekomen.[4] Op een lijst van 19 december 1938 met namen van tientallen Duits-Joodse mannen die naar het opvangkamp in Hoek van Holland moeten, staat ook Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer arrived in the Netherlands by train via Oldenzaal on 9 December 1938. He reported to the Amsterdam Immigration Department on 27 December 1938. This department noted: 'Refugee. Self-sufficient. Wants to go to Australia'.[1] According to a 1947 statement by Walter Ungar , Pfeffer crossed the border under a false name with the help of his housekeeper Else Messmer. She later travelled after him to bring him jewellery and other valuables.[2] However, the Vreemdelingendienst in Amsterdam claimed that, although only admitted for visits, he had entered the Netherlands legally.[3]
\r\n\r\nIn late 1938, the Dutch government decided to transfer to refugee camps those who entered the country illegally between 9 November and 17 December 1938.[4] A 19 December 1938 list of names of dozens of German-Jewish men to be taken to the refugee camp at Hoek van Holland includes Fritz Pfeffer.[5]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was among those who came to the Netherlands during that period, but he did not cross the border illegally. Nevertheless, he was on a list drawn up on 19 December 1938, which included several hundred other names.[1] At the time the list was drawn up, Pfeffer had not yet been formally registered with the Amsterdam Aliens Department. Pfeffer's unwarranted stay in this refugee camp was short-lived. After only a few days, on 24 December 1938, he left the camp again, accompanied by an Amsterdam detective.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer behoorde tot degenen die in die periode naar Nederland kwamen, maar hij stak de grens niet illegaal over. Desondanks stond hij op een lijst die op 19 december 1938 was opgesteld, met daarop enkele honderden andere namen.[1] Ten tijde van het opstellen van de lijst was Pfeffer nog niet formeel bij de Amsterdamse Vreemdelingendienst ingeschreven. Pfeffers onterechte verblijf in deze opvang was van korte duur. Al na een paar dagen, op 24 december 1938, verliet hij het kamp weer onder begeleiding van een Amsterdamse rechercheur.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was among those who came to the Netherlands during that period, but he did not cross the border illegally. Nevertheless, he was on a list drawn up on 19 December 1938, which included several hundred other names.[1] At the time the list was drawn up, Pfeffer had not yet been formally registered with the Amsterdam Aliens Department. Pfeffer's unwarranted stay in this refugee camp was short-lived. After only a few days, on 24 December 1938, he left the camp again, accompanied by an Amsterdam detective.[2]
\r\n\r\nIt was intended for Jewish illegal refugees from Germany. The camp, together with 15 other camps, was a precursor to the central Westerbork reception camp. Ultimately, the men could not stay in the Rotterdam Vacation School and were moved to an empty slaughterhouse along the railway, some distance from the village.[1]
\r\n\r\nHet was bedoeld voor Joodse illegale vluchtelingen uit Duitsland. Het kamp was, samen met 15 andere kampen, voorloper van het centrale opvangkamp Westerbork. Uiteindelijk konden de mannen niet blijven in de Rotterdamse Vacantie School en werden ze verplaatst naar een leegstaand slachthuis langs het spoor, een stuk bij het dorp vandaan.[1]
\r\n\r\nIt was intended for Jewish illegal refugees from Germany. The camp, together with 15 other camps, was a precursor to the central Westerbork reception camp. Ultimately, the men could not stay in the Rotterdam Vacation School and were moved to an empty slaughterhouse along the railway, some distance from the village.[1]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was among those who came to the Netherlands during that period, but he did not cross the border illegally. Nevertheless, he was on a list drawn up on 19 December 1938, which included several hundred other names.[1] At the time the list was drawn up, Pfeffer had not yet been formally registered with the Amsterdam Aliens Department. Pfeffer's unwarranted stay in this refugee camp was short-lived. After only a few days, on 24 December 1938, he left the camp again, accompanied by an Amsterdam detective.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer behoorde tot degenen die in die periode naar Nederland kwamen, maar hij stak de grens niet illegaal over. Desondanks stond hij op een lijst die op 19 december 1938 was opgesteld, met daarop enkele honderden andere namen.[1] Ten tijde van het opstellen van de lijst was Pfeffer nog niet formeel bij de Amsterdamse Vreemdelingendienst ingeschreven. Pfeffers onterechte verblijf in deze opvang was van korte duur. Al na een paar dagen, op 24 december 1938, verliet hij het kamp weer onder begeleiding van een Amsterdamse rechercheur.[2]
\r\n\r\nFritz Pfeffer was among those who came to the Netherlands during that period, but he did not cross the border illegally. Nevertheless, he was on a list drawn up on 19 December 1938, which included several hundred other names.[1] At the time the list was drawn up, Pfeffer had not yet been formally registered with the Amsterdam Aliens Department. Pfeffer's unwarranted stay in this refugee camp was short-lived. After only a few days, on 24 December 1938, he left the camp again, accompanied by an Amsterdam detective.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nHij was in 1920 aangemerkt als deserteur, maar had in 1937 alsnog vrijstelling gekregen en werd in 1938 uit militaire dienst ontslagen.[1] Maar toen Van Pels zich op 6 januari 1939 op het bureau van de Vreemdelingendienst meldde, bleek zijn signalering als deserteur nog altijd in het Algemeen Politieblad te staan. Hij werd door de Centrale Recherche ongeveer drie kwartier vastgehouden totdat het misverstand was opgehelderd.[2]
\r\n\r\nHe had been classified as a deserter in 1920, but was exempted in 1937 and discharged from military service in 1938.[1] But when Van Pels reported to the Immigration Office on 6 January 1939, it turned out that he was still listed as a deserter was still in the Algemeen Politieblad (General Police Gazette). He was held by the Central Criminal Investigation Department for about 45 minutes until the misunderstanding was cleared up.[2]
\r\n\r\nWorld War II took the lives of approximately 110,000 Amsterdam residents. Of the sizeable Jewish community, the majority, about 75,000 Jews, did not survive the German occupation. Anne Frank went into hiding in the city and wrote her world-famous diary there. The Hunger Winter also took a heavy toll on the city, as it did throughout the Western Netherlands.
","description_nl":"De Tweede Wereldoorlog kostte aan ongeveer 110.000 Amsterdammers het leven. Van de omvangrijke Joodse gemeenschap overleefde het merendeel, ongeveer 75.000 Joden, de Duitse bezetting niet. Anne Frank dook in de stad onder en schreef er haar wereldberoemde dagboek. Ook de Hongerwinter eiste, zoals in heel West-Nederland, een hoge tol in de stad.
","description_en":"World War II took the lives of approximately 110,000 Amsterdam residents. Of the sizeable Jewish community, the majority, about 75,000 Jews, did not survive the German occupation. Anne Frank went into hiding in the city and wrote her world-famous diary there. The Hunger Winter also took a heavy toll on the city, as it did throughout the Western Netherlands.
","summary":"Amsterdam is the capital of the Netherlands.","summary_nl":"Amsterdam is de hoofdstad van Nederland.","summary_en":"Amsterdam is the capital of the Netherlands.","same_as":["https://data.niod.nl/WO2_Thesaurus/locations/9577"],"parent":396124554,"files":[]},{"id":396124408,"image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/onderwerpen/5ea902c2-a419-4311-bd4b-7b1519c94f23/","published":true,"uuid":"5ea902c2-a419-4311-bd4b-7b1519c94f23","name":"Emigration in the early 1930s","name_nl":"Emigratie begin jaren dertig","name_en":"Emigration in the early 1930s","description":"On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler became Reich Chancellor of Germany. This gave him the opportunity to implement his ideas from Mein Kampf. After the Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933, he suspended key civil rights. Anti-Semitic ordinances were also passed making it impossible for Jews to practice the most important professions by requiring a so-called 'Aryan' certificate. In response to these measures and the boycott on 1 April 1933 of Jewish shopkeepers, doctors and lawyers, many Jews left Germany. They initially sought safe haven in surrounding countries, including the Netherlands.[1] In the first days of April 1933 alone, hundreds fled to the Netherlands, including Otto Frank. In the months that followed, he was followed by his wife and both daughters.[2]
\r\n\r\nOp 30 januari 1933 werd Adolf Hitler Rijkskanselier van Duitsland. Zo kreeg hij de kans zijn ideeën uit Mein Kampf uit te voeren. Na de Rijksdagbrand op 27 februari 1933 schortte hij de belangrijkste burgerrechten op. Ook werden er antisemitische verordeningen aangenomen die het Joden onmogelijk maken de belangrijkste beroepen uit te oefenen door het vereiste van een zogenoemd 'Ariër'-bewijs. Als reactie op deze maatregelen en de boycot op 1 april 1933 van Joodse winkeliers, artsen en advocaten zochten verlieten veel Joden Duitsland. Zij zochten in eerste instantie een veilig heenkomen in omringende landen, waaronder Nederland.[1] Alleen al in de eerste dagen van april 1933 weken er honderden uit naar Nederland, waaronder Otto Frank. In de maanden daarna werd hij gevolgd door vrouw en beide dochters.[2]
\r\n\r\nOn 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler became Reich Chancellor of Germany. This gave him the opportunity to implement his ideas from Mein Kampf. After the Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933, he suspended key civil rights. Anti-Semitic ordinances were also passed making it impossible for Jews to practice the most important professions by requiring a so-called 'Aryan' certificate. In response to these measures and the boycott on 1 April 1933 of Jewish shopkeepers, doctors and lawyers, many Jews left Germany. They initially sought safe haven in surrounding countries, including the Netherlands.[1] In the first days of April 1933 alone, hundreds fled to the Netherlands, including Otto Frank. In the months that followed, he was followed by his wife and both daughters.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn maart 1938 werd Oostenrij geannexeerd door Duitsland. Deze zogenaame 'Anschluss' had tot gevolg dat zowel Joodse als niet-Joodse Oostenrijkers het land uitvluchtten. De annexatie van delen van Tsjechoslowakije in oktober 1938 leidde evens tot aan hausse aan vluchtelingen. De Kristallnacht, de beruchte pogrom van november 1938 tegen de Joodse inwoners van Duitsland en de daarmee gepaard gaande moorden, mishandelingen, plunderingen en brandstichtingen brachten veel Joden ertoe Duitsland halsoverkop te verlaten.[1] Onder hen ook Fritz Pfeffer en Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nIn March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. This so-called 'Anschluss' resulted in both Jewish and non-Jewish Austrians fleeing the country. The annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 also led to a flood of refugees. Kristallnacht, the infamous November 1938 pogrom against the Jewish inhabitants of Germany and the accompanying murders, physcial abuse, looting and arson led many Jews to leave Germany in a hurry.[1] Among them were Fritz Pfeffer and Charlotte Kaletta.[2]
\r\n\r\nDevelopments in Germany after 1933 triggered several waves of Jewish emigration from that country. In addition to the boycott of Jewish shopkeepers and liberal professionals already proclaimed in April 1933, the Nuremberg laws came into effect in September 1935. These so-called racial laws and subsequent regulations were intended to deprive Jews in Germany of all their rights. For instance, Germans were forbidden to marry Jews and German Jews were deprived of even more civil rights. In this way, the Nazis tried to make life so hard for Jews that they would 'voluntarily' leave Germany.
\r\n\r\nBetween 1933 and 1937, a total of about 130,000 Jews left Nazi Germany. One of the famliles who left when life became increasingly difficult for Jews was the family of Herman van Pels. In 1937, they left Osnabrück in Germany and settled in Amsterdam.[1] Several siblings of Hermann van Pels and his wife Auguste Röttgen, as well as their parents, also opted for safe refuge in the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nDe ontwikkelingen in Duitsland na 1933 brachten verschillende golfbewegingen in de Joodse emigratie uit dat land teweeg, Naast de al in april 1933 afgekondigde boycot van Joodse winkeliers en vrije beroepsbeoefenaars, traden in september 1935 de wetten van Neurenberg in werking, Deze zogenaamde rassenwetten en navolgende verordeningen waren bedoeld om de Joden in Duitsland al hun rechten te ontnemen. Zo was het verboden voor Duitsers om te trouwen met Joden en Duitse Joden werden nog meer burgerrechten ontnomen. Op deze manier probeerden de nazi's Joden het leven zo zuur te maken dat ze 'vrijwillig' uit Duitsland zouden vertrekken.
\r\n\r\nTussen 1933 en 1937 verlieten in totaal zo’n 130.000 Joden nazi-Duitsland. Een van de famliles die vertrokken toen voor Joden het leven steeds moeilijker werd, was het gezin van Herman van Pels. In 1937 verlieten zij het Duitse Osnabrück en vestigden zich in Amsterdam.[1] Ook een aantal broers en zussen van Hermann van Pels en zijn echtgenote Auguste Röttgen, evenals hun ouders, kozen een goed heenkomen in Nederland.
\r\n\r\nDevelopments in Germany after 1933 triggered several waves of Jewish emigration from that country. In addition to the boycott of Jewish shopkeepers and liberal professionals already proclaimed in April 1933, the Nuremberg laws came into effect in September 1935. These so-called racial laws and subsequent regulations were intended to deprive Jews in Germany of all their rights. For instance, Germans were forbidden to marry Jews and German Jews were deprived of even more civil rights. In this way, the Nazis tried to make life so hard for Jews that they would 'voluntarily' leave Germany.
\r\n\r\nBetween 1933 and 1937, a total of about 130,000 Jews left Nazi Germany. One of the famliles who left when life became increasingly difficult for Jews was the family of Herman van Pels. In 1937, they left Osnabrück in Germany and settled in Amsterdam.[1] Several siblings of Hermann van Pels and his wife Auguste Röttgen, as well as their parents, also opted for safe refuge in the Netherlands.
\r\n\r\nThis department supervised non-Dutch nationals. This included Jewish immigrants, who had to deal with it in the 1930s, but also those Dutch nationals, for example, who served with the Foreign Legion and lost their nationality as a result. The Central Criminal Investigation and Immigration Department offices were at the address Spinhuissteeg 5.
","content_nl":"Deze dienst hield toezicht op niet-Nederlanders. Dat wil zeggen dat de Joodse immigranten die in de jaren dertig ermee te maken kregen, maar ook die Nederlanders bijvoorbeeld bij het Vreemdelingenlegioen dienden en daardoor hun nationaliteit verloren. Het bureau Centrale Recherche en Vreemdelingendienst was gehuisvest op het adres Spinhuissteeg 5.
","content_en":"This department supervised non-Dutch nationals. This included Jewish immigrants, who had to deal with it in the 1930s, but also those Dutch nationals, for example, who served with the Foreign Legion and lost their nationality as a result. The Central Criminal Investigation and Immigration Department offices were at the address Spinhuissteeg 5.
","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.89716 52.37037)","summary":"The Immigration Department of the Amsterdam police was part of the Central Criminal Investigation Department.","summary_nl":"De Vreemdelingendienst van de Amsterdamse politie was onderdeel van de Centrale Recherche.","summary_en":"The Immigration Department of the Amsterdam police was part of the Central Criminal Investigation Department.","same_as":null,"street":"Spinhuissteeg 5","zipcode":"","city":"Amsterdam","state":"","land":"","location_events":[88,291]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/fcbebda4-7f0b-49f9-a00c-eba677cec964/","published":true,"uuid":"fcbebda4-7f0b-49f9-a00c-eba677cec964","name":"Fritz Pfeffer reports to the Aliens Department","name_nl":"Fritz Pfeffer meldt zich bij de Vreemdelingendienst","name_en":"Fritz Pfeffer reports to the Aliens Department","content":"","content_nl":"","content_en":"","date":"1938-12-27","date_start":null,"date_end":null,"summary":"Two and a half weeks after his arrival, Pfeffer reported to the Aliens Department. The department prepared a card, which noted about Pfeffer: \"Has fled. Looks after himself. Wants to go to Australia.\"","summary_nl":"Tweeëneenhalve week na zijn komst meldde Pfeffer zich bij de Vreemdelingendienst. De dienst maakte een kaart op, waarop over Pfeffer onder meer werd genoteerd: \"Is gevlucht. Zorgt voor zichzelf. Wil naar Australië.\"","summary_en":"Two and a half weeks after his arrival, Pfeffer reported to the Aliens Department. The department prepared a card, which noted about Pfeffer: \"Has fled. Looks after himself. Wants to go to Australia.\"","same_as":null,"subjects":[396124409,396124674],"persons":[252],"files":[]},"score":0.0},{"type":"event","instance":{"id":111,"main_image":null,"location":{"id":91,"files":[],"main_image":null,"latitude":"52.345025","longitude":"4.877395","events":[{"id":111,"main_image":null,"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/3ffc5149-6e44-430e-8b1c-28ac6aa4ff6e/","subjects":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/subjects/d7ba8d2c-3824-4286-96da-1af0f02ba645","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/subjects/e668255b-67ef-4ad1-8f2e-fdc1084aff25"],"persons":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/7b3014b3-ca3b-4610-9b37-1832324f43a2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/persons/780d0c9f-f8fa-4ab1-89a0-515fd117716c"],"location":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82","published":true,"uuid":"3ffc5149-6e44-430e-8b1c-28ac6aa4ff6e","name":"Fritz Pfeffer registered at Bernard Zweerskade","name_nl":"Fritz Pfeffer ingeschreven op de Bernard Zweerskade","name_en":"Fritz Pfeffer registered at Bernard Zweerskade","content":"Pfeffer was registered at Bernard Zweerskade 20 III from 19 June 1940 to 9 November 1944.[1] Here he occupied an attic room, which he rented from Felix Mittwoch. On 30 November 1942, i.e. about two weeks after Pfeffer went into hiding,[2] Mittwoch wrote a message to the Immigration Department. He informed them that Pfeffer had told him he was going to hospital because of a kidney ailment. As Mittwoch did not see or hear from Pfeffer after that, he notified the department that Pfeffer had moved out.[3] Since Pfeffer remained registered for almost two more years, it looks like that information did not reach the Population Register. Based on this letter, the Immigration Department considered Pfeffer 'untraceable' as of 1 December 1942.[4]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer stond van 19 juni 1940 tot 9 november 1944 ingeschreven op de Bernard Zweerskade 20 III.[1] Hij bewoonde hier een zolderkamer, die hij huurde van Felix Mittwoch. Op 30 november 1942, dat was ongeveer twee weken nadat Pfeffer onderdook,[2] schreef Mittwoch een bericht aan de Vreemdelingendienst. Hij liet weten dat Pfeffer hem had gezegd naar het ziekenhuis te moeten vanwege een nierkwaal. Omdat Mittwoch daarna niets meer van Pfeffer zag of hoorde, meldde hij hem bij die dienst als bewoner af.[3] Aangezien Pfeffer nog bijna twee jaar ingeschreven bleef, ziet het ernaar uit dat die informatie niet bij het Bevolkingsregister terecht is gekomen. De Vreemdelingendienst beschouwde Pfeffer op grond van deze brief per 1 december 1942 'spoorloos'.[4]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was registered at Bernard Zweerskade 20 III from 19 June 1940 to 9 November 1944.[1] Here he occupied an attic room, which he rented from Felix Mittwoch. On 30 November 1942, i.e. about two weeks after Pfeffer went into hiding,[2] Mittwoch wrote a message to the Immigration Department. He informed them that Pfeffer had told him he was going to hospital because of a kidney ailment. As Mittwoch did not see or hear from Pfeffer after that, he notified the department that Pfeffer had moved out.[3] Since Pfeffer remained registered for almost two more years, it looks like that information did not reach the Population Register. Based on this letter, the Immigration Department considered Pfeffer 'untraceable' as of 1 December 1942.[4]
\r\n\r\nAccommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","description_nl":"Onder verblijf wordt verstaan een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.
","description_en":"Accommodation refers to a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.
","summary":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","summary_nl":"Verblijf is een plek om te wonen en/of te werken, tijdelijk of permanent.","summary_en":"Accommodation is a place in which to live and/or work, either temporarily or permanently.","same_as":null,"parent":396124413,"files":[]}],"related_locations":["https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bbed7414-1fa4-4417-bca3-a5ee40c96d09","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c05767e4-ac67-4d2e-a8f1-fdcfc93c3cdc","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f4d47668-4071-4530-95f0-5c463fddbc60","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b654804b-25a1-4c46-affd-0de941f99790","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05463aca-21a7-4238-8686-0a4a606e10f5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8eb86b87-b516-415d-a0de-410bb88a0ab6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5f77d005-c71e-437e-8877-2ec3088e2031","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/03c56548-11fe-4e75-9a79-f1585bd2372a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b4236d95-43dd-42e6-93d5-c44eaba41b23","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/1194af60-b60a-49ae-8762-cf8567fd21fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36022488-7682-43ff-918c-a2b970789006","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c730f47b-7508-4ea2-978e-331073f46ee4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/efee09b0-5605-4f5b-894c-91a96938e30d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4a5dbef2-cafa-46af-acfe-3470825a92a7","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/838a9a83-171f-44ec-8a97-0024ebf8b5b6","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/36a662f9-f828-44ad-9609-bd8901c723f4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/07627e87-1438-47e2-a29c-847e27ce51c8","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/fa3cb90f-e2cc-4611-b0cb-316c6202e75b","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/92a283be-fc1d-4610-8241-6f9e604e4ce0","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/4837c7f7-8098-4daf-8fb4-3408adb041fd","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/59a5ed20-0f01-42b5-a1da-785936de9c47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/84d67272-953d-4e09-8014-20cd8a55bd15","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c65659a4-793a-47f1-a7c5-ee2f49ee46b9","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/cc6c2172-d1f5-49c4-86b0-c31aa8bd02ea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/903ba158-f1e0-4d0f-b613-eae91df2893e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/bd069b91-d876-4eb7-99e7-e62aa158eae4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/995b7432-6739-42b0-9434-5c3801327d6a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b6bed785-6178-42d2-9f90-a90e7730c21e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/5c9289eb-d4f6-46b8-afe7-5c15df9164c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/f3ea591a-9ec2-49fa-aede-0308f0c1ea5e","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/aab06445-fe04-4578-9fba-19e679b65d6d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/8f078d07-0749-4824-9317-cca40a1f8c17","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/49fb0306-d233-4742-8133-c98fdba59175","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/c6d71313-a017-4e4e-b05c-f56259c2bf72","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/592362c0-d64f-42be-8319-f7e3973610d3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6a58ce7e-02e2-4517-85ce-5b03eb20b753","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0bfa905d-38bd-4422-85ed-a4f2ecc7b506","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7e61c0df-f509-437a-8f9f-5d70bdd92934","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b7c73757-981c-409e-95cc-cc8eab873a93","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/150fa41e-02ba-4cae-9f32-62460252007f","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/043a50b5-46ac-4222-8001-6ad28d51a1e2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/da7429b4-b23f-4947-b6d8-e5e6c0f143c3","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/6660d32e-d2b0-468d-b7e7-01ceefc4376d","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/05693431-6b99-47b4-8e47-59ab3e95a889","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/04f5ebdc-fe09-4ce6-991b-cf851a81c198","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a423c2ce-aac1-4ff6-86b1-f5233e4b77ff","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/0ccf3db9-1774-4848-ad11-627e3fc64cea","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/a7bd22a6-e3e0-45e6-9bef-449b9894f0db","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db15398a-d845-4147-9ceb-1530e7e9a4e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/b5ad5b8d-2494-42ad-bf1f-d2a1f9250bb2","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2c4e9ad5-bb38-4440-ae2f-7b3fc3fba34a","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/db594671-5a23-4c77-94e5-719f47bf03e4","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/e8477cf1-0664-404d-a851-fe6a97e01e47","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/7d0da592-ac93-4786-b1c3-932a0fd9dcf5","https://research.annefrank.org/en/api/locations/2ff53ce1-d866-4190-a138-16c32a9eca43"],"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/locaties/697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82/","published":true,"name":"Home of Felix Mittwoch","name_nl":"Woning van Felix Mittwoch","name_en":"Home of Felix Mittwoch","uuid":"697cb023-79af-4e61-864a-49adce1e8f82","content":"","content_nl":"","content_en":"","position":"SRID=4326;POINT (4.877395 52.345025)","summary":"Fritz Pfeffer lived in an attic room here for some time.","summary_nl":"Hier bewoonde Fritz Pfeffer enige tijd een zolderkamer.","summary_en":"Fritz Pfeffer lived in an attic room here for some time.","same_as":null,"street":"Bernard Zweerskade 20","zipcode":"","city":"Amsterdam","state":"","land":"","location_events":[111]},"url":"https://research.annefrank.org/en/gebeurtenissen/3ffc5149-6e44-430e-8b1c-28ac6aa4ff6e/","published":true,"uuid":"3ffc5149-6e44-430e-8b1c-28ac6aa4ff6e","name":"Fritz Pfeffer registered at Bernard Zweerskade","name_nl":"Fritz Pfeffer ingeschreven op de Bernard Zweerskade","name_en":"Fritz Pfeffer registered at Bernard Zweerskade","content":"Pfeffer was registered at Bernard Zweerskade 20 III from 19 June 1940 to 9 November 1944.[1] Here he occupied an attic room, which he rented from Felix Mittwoch. On 30 November 1942, i.e. about two weeks after Pfeffer went into hiding,[2] Mittwoch wrote a message to the Immigration Department. He informed them that Pfeffer had told him he was going to hospital because of a kidney ailment. As Mittwoch did not see or hear from Pfeffer after that, he notified the department that Pfeffer had moved out.[3] Since Pfeffer remained registered for almost two more years, it looks like that information did not reach the Population Register. Based on this letter, the Immigration Department considered Pfeffer 'untraceable' as of 1 December 1942.[4]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer stond van 19 juni 1940 tot 9 november 1944 ingeschreven op de Bernard Zweerskade 20 III.[1] Hij bewoonde hier een zolderkamer, die hij huurde van Felix Mittwoch. Op 30 november 1942, dat was ongeveer twee weken nadat Pfeffer onderdook,[2] schreef Mittwoch een bericht aan de Vreemdelingendienst. Hij liet weten dat Pfeffer hem had gezegd naar het ziekenhuis te moeten vanwege een nierkwaal. Omdat Mittwoch daarna niets meer van Pfeffer zag of hoorde, meldde hij hem bij die dienst als bewoner af.[3] Aangezien Pfeffer nog bijna twee jaar ingeschreven bleef, ziet het ernaar uit dat die informatie niet bij het Bevolkingsregister terecht is gekomen. De Vreemdelingendienst beschouwde Pfeffer op grond van deze brief per 1 december 1942 'spoorloos'.[4]
\r\n\r\nPfeffer was registered at Bernard Zweerskade 20 III from 19 June 1940 to 9 November 1944.[1] Here he occupied an attic room, which he rented from Felix Mittwoch. On 30 November 1942, i.e. about two weeks after Pfeffer went into hiding,[2] Mittwoch wrote a message to the Immigration Department. He informed them that Pfeffer had told him he was going to hospital because of a kidney ailment. As Mittwoch did not see or hear from Pfeffer after that, he notified the department that Pfeffer had moved out.[3] Since Pfeffer remained registered for almost two more years, it looks like that information did not reach the Population Register. Based on this letter, the Immigration Department considered Pfeffer 'untraceable' as of 1 December 1942.[4]
\r\n\r\n